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- • y
THE
CHURCH HISTORY OF
BRITAIN ;
FROM
THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST UNTIL
THE YEAR M.DC.XLVIII.
ENDEAVOURED
BY THOMAS FULLER, D.D.
PRBBBNDART OF 8ARUM.
A NEW EDITION, IN SIX VOLUMES,
BY THE REV. J. S. BREWER, M.A.
VOLUME VI.
OXFORD:
AT THE UNIVERSITY .PRESS.
M.DCCC.XLvl ^ly
' 1
THE
CHURCH HISTORY
d*
BRITAIN.
THE ELEVENTH BOOK,
CONTAINING THE REIGN OF KING CHARLES.
[There if a generation that are pure in their own conceit, and yet are no*
washed from their filthineM. Proy. zzx. t a.]
rULLBR, VOL. VI. B
THE HONOURABLE
EDWARD MOUNTAGUE, Ebo.
SON AND HEIR TO THE BIGHT HONOURABLE EDWARD
LORD MOUNTAGUE OF HOUGHTON*.
T is a strange casualty which an histo-
rian1* reporteth, of five eariB of Pem-
broke, successively, (of the family of
Hastings,) that the father of them
never saw his son, as bora either in his absence or
after his death.
• [This Edward lord Moan-
tague of Bough ton, a very able
and accomplished gentleman,
was the second who bore that
title i son of the celebrated
lord Mountague, of whom some
account is given in note (S.)
He succeeded his father in
1644, and in 1646 was nomi-
nated with certain other lords
and commons to receive the
king's person from the Scots
and conduct him to Holmeby
house. After the restoration
he lived mostly at his conn-
try -seat, and died 1 oth of Ja-
nuary, 1683. His son Ed-
ward, to whom this dedication
wis inscribed, contrary to the
will of Us father, had a great
share in the restoration, and in
persuading his cousin, admiral
Edward Mountague, afterwards
earl of Sandwich, to serve his
majesty, Charles II. After the
restoration he was appointed
master of the horse to the
queen of Charles II., but being
dismissed from that post, and
going to sea with his kinsman,
the earl of Sandwich, he was
slain in the attack of the Dutch
East-India ships at Bergen in
Norway, 3rd of August, 1 665,
in the twenty-fifth year of his
age. See Collins' Peerage, vol. i.
P- 333-]
b Camd. Brit, in Pembroke-
shire.
DEDICATION.
I know not whether more remarkable, the
fatality of that, or the felicity of your family;
where, in a lineal descent, five have followed one
another; the father not only surviving to see his
son of age, but also (yourself excepted, who in
due time may be) happy in their marriage, hopeful
in their issue.
These five have all been of the same Christian
name: yet is there no fear of confusion, to the
prejudice of your pedigree, (which heralds com-
monly in the like cases complain of,) seeing each
of them being, as eminent in their kind, so different
in their emiuency, are sufficiently distinguished by
their own character to posterity.
Of these, the first a judge0 ; for his gravity and
learning famous in his generation
The second, a worthy patriot and bountiful
housekeeper, blessed in a numerous issue ; his four
younger sons affording a bishop to the church d, a
• [Edward, son of Thomas of the others were sir Walter
Mountague, chief justice of the and sir Charles, not mentioned
common pleas in the reigns of here.]
Henry VIII. and Edward VI. e [Henry, earl of Manches-
See a further account of him ter, who professed the common
by our author in this History, law, and from recorder of Lon-
viii. i. §. i. His son, who don came to be lord chief jus-
was knighted in 1567, served tice of the king's bench, after-
in parliament as knight of the wards lord treasurer of Eng-
shire of Northampton ; and land, where he continued but a
was much celebrated for his short time ; then was made
piety, justice, and other virtues, president of the council of state,
He died Jan. 26, 1601. See
Collins* Peerage, vol. i. 324.]
(for he and chancellor Bacon
were put out of their places to-
d [James Mountague, bishop gether,) and at last died lord
of Winchester. privy seal. Warwick's Chas. I.
He had six sons, the names p. 245.]
■ •
• •
DEDICATION.
judge and peer to the state6, a commander to the
camp, and an officer to the court f.
The third was the first baron of the house; of
whose worth I will say nothing, because I can
never say enough *.
The fourth, your honourable father, who because
he doth still, and may he long, survive; I cannot
do the right which I would to his merit, without
doing wrong, which I dare not, to his modesty.
You are the fifth in a direct line, and let me
acquaint you with what the world expected (not
to say requireth) of you, to dignify yourself with
some select and peculiar desert, so to be differenced
from your ancestors, that your memory may not
f [Sir Sidney Mountague, fa-
ther of the earl of Sandwich,
and master of requests to James
I. He refused to take the oath
to live and die with the earl of
Essex, in 1642, as other mem*
bers of the commons had done,
for which he was ousted from
the house. See Warwick's
Chas. I. p. 243.]
% [The celebrated Edward,
lord Mountague of Bough ton,
a man of a plain upright Eng.
lish spirit, of a steady courage,
of a devout heart, and a true
son of the Church of England ;
so severe and regular in his life,
that he was by most men reckon-
ed a puritan ; and yet so attach-
ed to the liturgy of the Church
of England, that when he had
married his eldest son (father of
theEdwardtowhom this book is
dedicated) unto secretary Win-
wood's eldest daughter, who
affected not the common prayer,
which he used daily in his house,
he would say to her, " Daugh-
" ter, if you come to visit me, I
" will never ask why you come
" not to prayers ; but if you
" come to cohabit with me, pray
" with me or not live with me."
(Warwick's Chas. I. p. 243. ed.
1813). This fine old nobleman
and true patriot, of whom some
beautiful anecdotes are related
by Collins in his Peerage, (vol.
i. p. 326, ed. 2.) was, for his
loyalty to king Charles I., ap-
prehended by command of the
members who sat at Westmin-
ster, and made prisoner in the
Savoy, near to the Strand, in
London, where he died, 15th
June, 1 644. He was the per-
son who proposed the thanks-
giving day for discovery of the
popish plot.]
bS
6 DEDICATION.
be mistaken in the homonyme of your Christian
names ; which to me seemeth as improbable, as that
a burning beacon (at a reasonable distance) should
not be beheld ; such the brightness of your parts
and advantage of your education.
You was bred in that school which hath no
superior in England; and successively in those two
universities which have no equal in Europe. Such
the stock of your native perfection before grafted
with the foreign accomplishments of your travels.
So that men confidently promise themselves to
read the best, last, and largest edition of " Mer-
" cator'8 Atlas/9 in your experience and discourse.
That good God who went with you out of your
native country, and since watched over you in
foreign parts, return with you in safety in due time,
to his glory, and your own good; which is the
daily desire of
Your Honour's most devoted Servant,
THOMAS FULLER.
i
ft
1
*4i
Is
r
t
t
THE
CHURCH HISTORY
OF
BRITAIN.
HE sad news of king James his death A-p. ,,6»i-
was soon brought to Whitehall, at that - "~"
very instant when Dr. Laud, bishop king'«4»tji
of St. David's, was preaching therein. wnhchaiL
' This caused him to 'break off his ser-
mon in the midst thereof, out of civil compliance
with the Badness of the congregation ; and the same
day was king Charles proclaimed at Whitehall b.
2. On the seventh of May following, king James "j"'°j"Dn
his funerals were performed very solemnly in the
collegiate church at Westminster, his lively statue
being presented on a magnificent hearse c. King
Charles was present thereat: for though modem
state used of late to lock up the chief mourner in
his chamber, where his grief must be presumed
* See his own Diary on that lay in state for a considerable
day, [p. 15.] time. It was carried thence
° [See the account of it in with great solemnity on Satur-
Rnshwortb, vol. i. p. 169.] day, 7th of May, to St. Peter's
1 [The body of the late king church in Westminster, where
was brought from Theobald's it was solemnly interred. See
into Somerset house, where it Heylin's Life of Laud, p. 132.3
10
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1625. too great for public appearance, yet the king caused
- this ceremony of sorrow so to yield to the substance
thereof, and pomp herein to stoop to piety, that
in his person he sorrowfully attended the funerals
of his father.
3. Dr. Williams, lord keeper and bishop of Lin-
coln, preached the sermon, taking for his text
Dr. Wil-
liams his
£3^ 2 Chron. ix. 29, 30, and part of the 31st verse, con-
text king taining the happy reign, quiet death, and stately
aid king burial of king Solomon. The effect of his sermon
was to advance a parallel betwixt two peaceable
princes, king Solomon and king James. A parallel
which willingly went, (not to say ran of its own
accord,) and when it chanced to stay, was fairly
led on by the art and ingenuity of the bishop, not
enforcing, but improving the conformity betwixt
these two kings in ten particulars, all expressed in
the text, as we read in the vulgar Latin, somewhat
different from the new translation.
King Solomon.
1. His eloquence, the rest
of the words of Solomon.
2. His actions, and all that
he did.
3. A well within to supply
the same, and his wisdom.
4. The preservation there-
of to eternity ; Are they not
written in the book of the acts
King James.
1. Had dprofluentemy et
quae principem deceret, elo-
quentiam.
%. Was eminent in his ac-
tions of religion, justice, war,
and peace.
3. So wise, " that there was
" nothing that any • would
" learn, which he was not
" able to teach."
4. As Trajan was nick-
named herba parietaria, " a
u wall-flower," because his
<* Tacitus of Augustus.
e Sermon, p. 59.
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
11
of Solomon, made by Nathan
the prophet, Ahijah tlte Shu
lonite, and Iddo the seer t
5. He reigned in Jerusa-
lem, a great city, by him en-
larged and repaired.
6. Over all Israel, the
whole empire.
7. A great space of time,
full Jbrty years.
8. Then he slept, import-
ing no sudden and violent
dying, but a premeditate and
affected kind of sleeping.
9. With his fathers, Da-
vid especially; his soul being
disposed of in happiness.
10. And was buried in the
city of David.
name was engraven on every A. D. 16*5.
wall; so king James shall be \ *
called herba chartacea, " the
" paper-flower,* and his glory
be read in ' all writers.
5. He reigned in the capi-
tal city of London, by him
much augmented.
6. Over Great Britain, by
him happily united, and other
dominions.
7 • In all fifty-eight, (though
over all Britain but two and
twenty years,) reigning as
ffbetter, so also longer, than
king Solomon.
8. Left the world most re-
solved, most prepared, em-
bracing his grave for his bed.
9. Reigning gloriously with
God in heaven.
10. Whilst his body was in-
terred with all possible so-
lemnity in king Henry the
Seventh his chapel.
Be it here remembered, that in this parallel the
bishop premised to set forth Solomon, not in his full
proportion, faults and all, but half faced, (imagine
lusca, as Apelles painted Antigonus, to conceal the
want of his eye,) adding, that Solomon's vices could
be no blemish to king James, wh resembled him
only in his choicest virtues. He concluded all with
that verse, Ecclesiasticus xxx. 4. Though his father
' Sermon, p. 61. * Ibid. p. 66.
12 The Church History book Xi.
a.d. 1625. die, yet he is as though he were not dead, for he hath
r*J left one behind him that is like himself: in applica-
tion to his present majesty h.
Exceptions 4. Some auditors who came thither rather to
taken at his
•ermou. observe than edify, cavil than observe, found or
made faults in the sermon, censuring him for touch-
ing too often, and staying too long, on an harsh
string ; three times straining the same, making elo-
quence too essential, and so absolutely necessary in
a king, that the want thereof made Moses in a
1 manner refuse all government, though offered by
God ; that kno man ever got great power without
eloquence: Nero, being the first of the Caesars,
qui alienee facundite eguit, " who usurped another
" man's language to speak for him/9 Expressions
which might be forborne in the presence of his
son and successor, whose impediment in speech
was known to be great, and mistook to be greater.
Some conceived him too long in praising the past,
too short in promising for the present king, (though
saying much of him in a little;) and the bishop's
adversaries, (whereof then no want at court,) some
took distate, others made advantage thereof. Thus
is it easier and better for us to please one God, than
many men with our sermons. However, the sermon
was publicly set forth by the printer (but not by the
express command) of his majesty, which gave but
the steadier mark to his enemies, noting the marginal
notes thereof, and making all his sermon the text
of their captious interpretations.
b [This Sermon, under the an epitome of it in Rushworth's
title of " Great Britain's Solo- Collections, vol. i. p. 164.]
" mon," will be found in So- i Sermon, p. 16.
mere' Tracts, vol.ii. p. 33 ; and k Ibid. p. 5.
L
cknt.xvii. of Britain. 13
5. Now began animosities to discover themselves a. d. 1625.
in the court, whose sad influences operated many —
jeare after, many being discontented that on this bc^nin the
change they received not proportionable advance- court'
ment to their expectations. It is the prerogative
of the King of heaven alone, that he maketh all his
sons heirs, all his subjects favorites, the gain of one
being no loss to the other; whereas the happiest
kings on earth are unhappy herein, that, unable
to gratify all their servants (having many suitors for
the same place) by conferring a favour on one, they
disoblige all other competitors, conceiving them-
selves, as they make the estimate of their own
deserts, as much (if not more) meriting the same
preferment.
6. As for doctor Preston, he still continued andDr-Pn*ton
a great fa-
increased in the favor of the king and duke, it being rant*
much observed, that on the day of king James his
death, he *rode with prince and duke in a coach shut
1 See his Life, p. [99, writ- " had preferred himself to
ten by Thomas Ball, a puritan, " be chaplain to the prince,
and published at the end of " and wanted not the intelli-
Clark's Martyrology, ed. 1677. " gence of all dark mysteries
This artful and designing man, " through the Scotch especi-
who veiled a discontented and " ally of his highness' bed-
ambitious spirit under the cloak " chamber. These gave him
of religious seal, to ingratiate " countenance more than others,
elf with the duke of Buck- " because he prosecuted the
t, (anxious at that time " endeavours of their country-
to repair his credit by some " man, Knox. To the duke
popular measure,) proposed to "he repairs, and be assured
him the spoliation of the church's " he had more skill than bois-
lands. His conduct is accu- " terously to propound to him
rately described by bishop Hack- " the extirpation of the bishops,
et, whose moderation and piety " Therefore he began to dig
is a sufficient warrant for no- " further off, and to heave at
thing being exaggerated in his " the dissolution of cathedral
narrative. " This politic man," " churches, with their deans
he observes, " that he might " and chapters, the seminary
" feel the pulse of the court, " from whence the ablest scho-
14
77*4? Church History
BOOK XI.
Acfok?i ^own ^°m Theobald's to London, applying comfort
now to one now to the other on so sad an occasion.
His party would persuade us, that be might hare
chose his own mitre, much commending the moder-
ation of his mortified mind, denying all preferment
which courted his acceptance ; verifying the anagram
which a "friend of his made on his name, Johannes
«•
«<
•<
• «
«<
««
• •
(t
««
U
• t
f«
««
«•
if
«(
<«
«(
»i
«
(<
f«
«t
«<
«
«t
•f
<<
<«
M
<«
• •
U
U
lars were removed to bishop-
rics. At his audience with
the duke, he told him he was
sorry his grace's actions were
not so well interpreted abroad
as godly men thought they
deserved. That such mur-
murings as were but vapours
in common talks might prove
to be tempests when a par-
liament met. That his safest
way was to anchor himself
upon the love of the people ;
and let him persuade himself
he should not fail to be mas-
ter of that achievement if he
would profess himself not
among those that are Pro.
testants at large, and never
look inward to the centre of
religion, but become a warm
and zealous Christian that
would employ his best help
strenuously to lop off from
this half-reformed church the
superfluous branches of Rom-
ish superstition that much
disfigured it. Then he named
the quire-service of cathedral
and collegiate churches, with
the apanages which were
maintained with vast wealth
and lands of excessive com-
modity to feed fat, lazy, and
unprofitable drones ; and yet
all that chanting and pomp
hindered the heavenly power
and simplicity of prayer, and
€€
«
*€
«<
t€
• <
M
" furthered not the preaching
" of the gospel. And now,
" says he, let your grace ob-
" serve all the ensuing emo.
•* luments if you will lean to
" this counsel ; God's glory
" shall be better set forth ;
(that's ever the quail-pipe to
bring worldlings into the
snares of sacrilege;) the lands
of those chapters escheating
" to the crown by the dissolu-
" tion of their foundations, will
pay the king's debts. Your
grace hath many alliances of
kindred all sucking from you,
" and the milk of those breasts
" will serve them all and nou-
" rish them up to great growth
" with the best seats in the
" nation. Lastly, your grace
" shall not only surmount envy,
" but turn the darling of the
" commonwealth, and be rever-
" enced by the best operators
" in parliament as a father of a
" family ; and if a crum stick
" in the throat of any consider-
" able man that attempts to
make a contrary part, it will
be easy to wash it down with
" manors, woods, royalties,
tythes, &c. the large product
of those superstitious planta-
tions." Hacket's Life of Wil-
liams, p. 204.]
m Mr. Ayrs of Lincoln's
Inn.
t<
u
«<
<•
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
15
En stas pius in honore. Indeed he was A«P- !^5-
111111 i»i» ii1 Charles I.
conceived to hold the helm of his own party, able —
to stew it to what point he pleased, which made the
duke, as yet, much to desire his favour n.
7. A book came forth called Appello Caesarem, Mr.Mount-
made by Mr. Mountague. He formerly had been ^Crater.
fellow of King's College in Cambridge, at the pre-
sent a parson of Essex and fellow of Eton; one
much skilled in the fathers and ecclesiastical anti-
quity, and in the Latin and Oreek tongues. Our
great ° antiquary confesseth as much {Grace simul
et Latine doctus) though pens were brandished be-
twixt them ; and virtues allowed by one's adversa-
ries may pass for undeniable truths. These his great
parts were attended with tartness of writing, very
sharp the nib of his pen, and much gall in his ink,
against such as opposed him. However, such the
equability of the sharpness of his style he was un-
partial therein, be he ancient or modern writer,
m
<«
° [Hit character is thus set
forth by Dr. Heylyn: "His
" principles and engagements
" were too well known by those
which governed affairs to
venture him unto any such
'* great trust in church or state;
" and his activity so suspected
" that he would not have been
" long suffered to continue
* preacher at Lincoln's Inn.
" As for his intimacy with the
" duke, too violent to be long
" lasting, it proceeded not from
" any good opinion which the
" duke had of him, but that he
" found how instrumental %he
" might be to manage that pre-
u railing party to the king's
" advantage. But when it was
" found that he had more of the
" serpent in him than the dove,
" and that he was not tract-
" able in steering the helm of
" his own party by the court-
" compass, he was discounte-
" nanced and laid by, as not
" worth the keeping. He
" seemed the court-meteor for
" a while, raised to a sudden
" height of expectation ; and
" having flashed and blazed a
little, went out again, and
was as suddenly forgotten."
Fuller appears to acknowledge
the justice of these remarks,
and therefore they are probably
correct. See " The Appeal,
" &c," part iii. p. a ; see also
note p. 13.]
0 pelden De Diis Syris, p.
36a.
c«
«
16
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1615. Papist or Protestant, that stood in his way, they
1 Charles 1- • . , •« „ , g^
should all equally taste thereof*.
Setteth 8. Pass we from the author to his book, whereof
AppeUoC». this was the occasion. He had lately written satiri-
***** cally enough against the Papists in confutation of
The Gagger of Protestants. Now two divines of
Norwich diocess, Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward, informed
against him for dangerous errors of Armimanism and
Popery, deserting our cause instead of defending it.
Mr. Mountague, in his own vindication, writes a
second book, licensed by Francis White, dean of
Carlisle 4, finished and partly printed in the reign
of James, to whom the author intended the dedi-
cation. But on king James his death, it seems it
descended by succession on king Charles his son,
to whom Mr. Mountague applied the words which
Ockam once used to Lewis of Bavaria, emperor of
Germany, Dotnine imperator defends me gladio, et
ego te defendant calamo, " Lord emperor, defend me
" with thy sword, and I will defend thee with my
" pen." Many bitter passages in this his book gave
great exception, whereof largely hereafter.
Queen 9. On Sunday, being the twelfth of June, about
fint arrival seven of the clock at night, queen Mary landed
** er' at Dover ; at what time a piece of ordnance being
P [Fuller is not very favor*
able to Dr. Richard Montague,
certainly one of the ablest con-
troversialists and most learn*
ed men of his times. Nor has
he by any means done jus-
tice to the " AppelloCasarem"
of that writer, a work ably
written, and containing pas*
sages of great beauty. Unfortu-
nately, any one who opposed
the doctrines of Calvin was at
this time branded with the
name of Papist, and persecuted
as such. This was the lot of
Montague, who opposed the
religious principles of Hall,
Davenant, and others, and for
this he has met with a very
scanty measure of justice from
our author.]
q [The author of the Reply
to Fisher the Jesuit, 1620.]
CENT- XV11.
of Britain.
17
discharged from the castle, flew in fitters, yet did a. d. 1625.
f nobody any harm. Moe were fearful at the presage "
than thankful for the providence'. Next day, the king
coming from Canterbury met her at Dover, whence
with all solemnity she was conducted to Somerset
house in London, where a chapel was new prepared
for her devotion, with a convent adjoining of Capu-
chin friars, according to the articles of her marriage8.
10. A parliament began at London, wherein the The king
first statute agreed upon was for the more strict Mr. Mount-
observation of the Lord's day ; which day, as it first SSTLuieof
honoured the king, (his reign beginning thereon,)
common*.
tt
u
tt
«
M
«
• i
M
««
U
tt
tt
M
tt
tt
tt
tt
M
••
tt
tt
tt
U
tt
tt
U
M
tt
r [Laud's Diary, p 18.]
* (/'In all this, nothing true
but that the new queen was
conducted with all solemnity
from Dover to London. For
first, although there was a
chapel prepared, yet was it
not prepared for her, nor at
Somerset house. The chapel
which was then prepared,
was not prepared for her,
but the Lady Infanta, built
in the king's house at St.
James's, at such time as the
treaty with Spain stood upon
good terms, and then intend.
ed for the devotions of the
princess of Wales, not the
queen of England. Secondly,
the articles of the marriage
make no mention of the Ca-
puchin friars, nor any con-
vent to be built for them.
The priests who came over
with the queen were by a-
greement to be all of the
Oratorian order, as less sus-
pected by the English, whom
they had never provoked, as
had the Jesuits, and most
other of the monastic or*
FULLER, VOL^YJ.
" ders, by their mischievous
" practices. But these Orato-
" rians having been sent back
" with the rest of the French,
" anno 1626, and not willing to
" expose themselves to the ha.
" zard of a second expulsion,
" the Capuchins under father
" Joseph made good the place.
" The breach with France, the
" action at the Isle of Rhee,
u and the loss of Rochelle, did
" all occur before the Capu-
" chins were thought of or ad-
" mitted hither. And thirdly,
44 some years after the making
" of the peace between the
" crowns, which was in the lat-
" ter end of 1628, and not be-
" fore, the queen obtained that
M these friars might have leave
" to come over to her, some
M lodgings being fitted for them
" in Somerset h juse, and a new
" chapel then and there built
u for her devotion." Heylin in
" The Appeal, &c," part iii. p.
2. Rush worth gives a full ac-
count of the queen's espousals,
Coll. vol. i. p. 173.]
18
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. D.1625. go the king first honoured it by passing an act for the
1 Conrtes I.
greater solemnity thereof. The house of commons
fell very heavy on Mr. Mountague for many bitter
passages in his book ; who in all probability had now
been severely censured, but that the king himself
was pleased to interpose in his behalf, signifying to
the house, "that those things which were then
a spoken and determined concerning Mountague
" without his privity did not please him," who by
his court friends being employed in the king's ser-
vice, his majesty signified to the parliament, that he
" thought his chaplains (whereof Mr. Mountague was
" one) might have as much protection as the servant
" of an ordinary burgess," nevertheless his bond of
two thousand pounds wherewith he was tailed con-
tinued uncancelled, and was called on the next
parliament*.
* [The best account of Dr.
Mount ague's book is given by
Dr. Heylyn in his Life of Arch-
bishop Laud, p. 124, who ob-
serves that the Jesuits and Pa-
pists, being very busy at this
time in gaining proselytes, had
begun to infest a village in
Essex called Stamford- Rivers.
" The rector of that church
" was Richd. Mountague, B.D.
" prebend of Windsor, and one
" of the fellows of Eton col-
•' lege; a man exceedingly well
" versed in all the learning of
" Greeks and Romans, and as
'* well studied in the fathers,
" councils, and all other an-
" cient monuments of the Chris-
" tian church. Desirous to free
" his parish from this haunt,
" he left some propositions at
" the house of one of his neigh -
" bours, which had been fre-
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quently visited by these night-
spirits, with this declaration
thereunto ; that if any of
those which essayed that walk
could convince him in any
of the same, he would im-
mediately subscribe and be a
Papist. After long expecta-
tion, instead of answering to
his queries, one of them leaves
a short pamphlet for him, en-
titled, A new Gag for the old
Gospel ; in which it was pre-
tended, that the doctrine of
the Protestants should be con-
futed out of the verv words
of their own English Bibles.
This book he was required to
answer But in perusing
of that book, he found that
besides some few doctrines
which properly and truly
did belong to the Church of
England, there were crowded
CEKT. XVII.
of Britain.
19
11. The plague increasing in London, the parlia- a. d. 1625.
ment was removed to Oxford. But alas ! no avoid —'
ing God's hand. The infection followed, or rather mmt^. *"
met the houses there, (whereof worthy Dr. Chaloner^^^
*fiedu, much lamented,) yet were the members of Jj£^2n£n
parliament not so careful to save their own persons
from the plague, as to secure the land from a worse
and more spreading contagion, the daily growth of
popery. In prevention whereof, they presented a
petition to his majesty, containing sixteen particu-
lars, all which were most graciously answered by his
majesty, to their full satisfaction. Thus this meet-
ing began hopefully and cheerfully, proceeded tur-
bulently and suspiciously, brake off suddenly and
" into it all points of Calvinism,
" such heterodoxies and out-
" landish fancies as the Church
" of England never owned.
*' And therefore in his answer
*' to that Popish Gagger, he
" severed or discriminated the
44 opinions of particular men
"' from the authorized doctrines
" of this church ; leaving the
*' one to be maintained by their
" private fautors, and only de»
" fending and maintaining the
*' other. And certainly, had
" he not been a man of a mighty
** spirit, and one that easily
" could contemn the cry and
M clamors which were raised
M against him for so doing, he
" could not but have sunk im-
" mediately under the burthen
" of disgrace, and the fears of
" ruin which that performance
'* drew upon him." This an-
swer came out under the quaint
title of " A Gag for the new
•* Gospel? — No, a new Gag for
" an old Goose, who would un-
" dertake to stop all Protestant
'• Mouths for ever with 276
" Placesout of their own Eng-
" lish Bibles, &c. 1625/' Out
of this book, Yates and Ward,
two preachers in Ipswich, were
employed to gather such points
as they conceived to lean to
Popery and Arminianism* to
be presented to the censure of
the following parliament. Of
which information Montague
having obtained a copy, be-
sought his majesty's protection,
and wrote his book, entitled
'* AppelloCaesarem." But king
James dying before it had gone
through the press, it was pre-
sented to king Charles at die
beginning of his reign. A com-
mittee of bishops seems also to
have been appointed by the
king to report on the subject.
See the letters in the Appendix.]
* [Dr. Edward Chaloner was
principal of St. Alban HalL
See an account of him in Wood'*
A then. vol. i. p. 496. J
c2
20 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1625. sorrowfully, the reason whereof is to be fetched from
I Charles I. . \ .
our civil historians.
Dr. James 12. The convocation kept here is scarce worth
his motion . • i« 1 1 .,
in the con- the mentioning, seeing little the appearance thereat,
▼ocaaon. noti1iI1g. tbe performance therein. Dean Bowles,
the prolocutor, absented himself for fear of infection,
Dr. Thomas Goad officiating in his place, and their
meeting was kept in the chapel of Merton College.
Here Dr. James, that great book man, made a mo-
tion, that all manuscript fathers in the libraries of
the universities, and elsewhere in England, might
be perused, and that such places in them as had
been corrupted in popish editions, (much superstition
being generated from such corruptions,) might faith-
fully be printed according to those ancient copiesx.
Indeed, though England at the dissolving of abbeys
lost moe manuscripts than any country of Christen-
dom (of her dimensions) ever had, yet still enough
were left her, if well improved, to evidence the
truth herein to all posterity. This design might
have been much beneficial to the Protestant cause,
if prosecuted with as great endeavour as it was pro-
pounded with good intention : but alas ! this motion
was ended when it was ended, expiring in the place
with the words of the mover thereof.
w^ofp **' ^e k*nff» according to his late answer in the
pistsseason- parliament at Oxford, issued out a commission to
ttnined. the judges to see the law against recusants put in
execution. This was read in all the courts of
.
x [See Wilkins' Concil. vol. heart, as appears by several of
iv. p. 469. There is an unpub- his letters to Usher. See Parr's
lished letter addressed by him Usher, p. 303. A motion to the
to Dr. Ward upon this subject, same effect was also made in
in Tan. MSS. lxxiv. It was a the convocation of 1624. See
subject which he had much at Wilkins, ibid.]
cent, xvii, of Britain. 21
judicature at Reading, (where Michaelmas term was ad. 1625
kept,) and a letter directed to the archbishop of -
Canterbury to take special care for the discovery of
Jesuits, seminary priests, &c. within his province.
A necessary severity, seeing Papists (presuming on
protection by reason of the late match) were grown
very insolent. And a popish lord, when the king
was at chapel, was heard to prate on purpose louder
in a gallery adjoining than the chaplain prayed,
whereat the king was so moved that he sent him
this message : " Either come and do as we do, or
" I will make you prate further off."
14. In this and the next year, many books, from Several
persons of several abilities and professions, were gainst Mr
written against Mr. Mountague, by Moumagu*
i. Dr. Sutcliffe, dean of Exeter; one who was
miles emeritus, age giving him a supersedeas, save
that his zeal would employ itself, and some conceived
that his choler became his old age.
ii. Mr. Henry Burton, who then began to be well
(as afterwards too well) known to the world.
iii. Mr. Francis Rowse, a layman by profession.
iv. Mr. Yates, a minister of Norfolk, formerly a
fellow of Emmanuel in Cambridge ; he entitles his
book " Ibis ad Csesarem."
v. Dr. Carleton, bishop of Chichester.
vi. Anthony Wotton, divinity professor in Gres-
ham College.
In this army of writers the strength is conceived
to consist in the rear, and that the last wrote the
solidest confutations. Of these six, dean Sutcliffe
is said to have chode heartily ; Mr. Rowse meant
honestly ; Mr. Burton wrote plainly ; bishop Carle-
cS
9St
The Church History
BOOK XT.
a.d. 1625. ton very piously; Mr. Yates learnedly; and Mr.
* Wotton most solidly y.
1 [The divines who were
sent to the Synod of Dort were
extremely mortified by the re-
marks of Mountague in this and
his other pamphlet. In a let-
ter of Dr. John Davenant, then
bishop of Salisbury, to Ward,
master of Sidney College, he
thus speaks of Mountague :
" Your vindicating of those
" that were at the Synod of
" Dort from the wash and filth
" in perfection laid on us by
" Mr. Mountague, was a laud-
" able and necessary work. I
" could wish for his own good
" that he had a more modest
" conceipt of himself, and a
" less base opinion of all
" others who jump not with
" him in his mongrel opinions.
He mightily deceives him-
self in taking it for granted
M that Dr» Overall, or Bucer,
•' or Luther, were ever of his
" mind in the point of Pre-
" destination, or falling from
" grace ; the contrary may evi-
" dently be shewn out of their
" writings. But the truth is,
" he never understood what
" Bucer or Luther mean, when
" they speak of extinguishing
" faith or losing grace; and
" as little does he understand
" the canon of our church,
44 which he makes his main
" foundation. Whether Re-
" probus may be mere justifi-
" cat us, verum et vivum mem-
*' brum sub Christo copite, vere
" adopt at us, I confess may out
t€ of Aug. and Prosp. be pro-
" bably held both ways. But
€€
St
" yet let all places which seem
" to imply contradiction about
" this matter be laid together,.
" and such other as may serve
" for interpretation be also cast
" into the balance* and in my
" opinion it will be found that
" S. Augustine does more in-
" cline to the opinion, that only
" the predestinate attain unto
" a true estate of justification,
" regeneration, and adoption*
" &c. Oct. 10, 1625." Tan.
MSS. lxxii. p. 65.
So in another letter.
— "lam afraid Mr. Mount*
" ague his book will breed him-
" self and others much trouble
" whensoever a parliament shall
" be called. His opinion 0011-
" cerning predestination and
** total falling from grace is
" undoubtedly contrary to the
" common tenet of the English
" Church ever since we were
" born. Against our next meet-
" ing you shall have our opinion
" concerning the two theses.
M For Dr. Overall, 1 know not
'* to the contrary, but it was
" his opinion that some, not
" elected by the working of
" universal sufficient grace, did
" or might sometimes attain to
" an estate of justification and
" regeneration, and yet fall
" a way and perish. But for
" Luther and Bucer, I am re-
* ' sol ved that they never thought
" any reprobate to have ever
" obtained the state of a truly
" faithful, justified, adopted,
" and sanctified man. But they
" affirm that faith and the grace
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
S3
15. I remember not at this time any of master a. d. 16*5.
1 Chnrlif I
Mountague's party engaged in print in his behalf; !
whether because they conceived this their champion ^^eftto
sufficient of himself to encounter all opposers, or^ndhim-
because they apprehended it unsafe (though of the
same judgment) to justify a book which was grown
so generally offensive. Insomuch, as his majesty
himself, sensible of his subjects' great distaste thereat,
(sounded by the duke of Buckingham to that pur-
pose,) was resolved to leave Mr. Mountague to stand
or fell, according to the justice of his cause. The
duke imparted as much to Dr. Laud, bishop of St.
David's, who conceived it of such ominous concern-
ment, that he entered the same in his diary, viz.
Methinks I see a cloud arising and threatening
the Church of England ; God of his mercy dissi-
pate it."
16. The day of the king's coronation drawing a maim on
,. . , . . j .1 the emblem
near, his majesty sent to survey and peruse the of peace,
regalia, or royal ornaments, which then were to be
used*. It happened that the left wing of the dove on
the sceptre was quite broken off, by what casualty
God himself knows. The king sent for Mr. Acton,
it
<«
«
** of the Spirit cannot stand to-
" gether with impenitency in
" any mortal sin : meaning
" thereby the act of faith ap-
" prehending justification, and
" the working of the Spirit
" sealing unto us our justitica-
" tion. But that the state of
44 regeneration, or adoption, or
" justification, (as it respects
" all sins fore-passed,) was
thereby dissolved, they never
thought. — " Dec. 5, 1625.
Jo. Sarum to Dr. Ward. Tan.
«
a
lxxii. p. 68.]
* [This account of the coro-
nation of king Charles, Fuller
tells us he received from " a
." doctor of divinity still alive,
" rich in learning and piety,
" present on the place, and an
" exact observer of all passa-
•• ges." See " The Appeal,"
&c. part iii. p. 4. See also a
letter written at the time by
sir S. D'Ewes on the same sub-
ject in Ellis' Orig. Lett. iii.
c 4
24
The Church History
BOOK XI,
a.d. 1625. then his goldsmith, commanding him that the very
- same should be set on again. The goldsmith replied,
that it was impossible to be done so fairly, but that
some mark would remain thereof. To whom the
king in some passion returned a, " If you will not do
" ity another shall." Hereupon Mr. Acton carried it
home, and got another dove of gold to be artifi-
cially set on ; whereat, when brought back, his
majesty was well contented, as making no discovery
thereof b.
* His son succeeding his fa-
ther in that place, and then
present, attested to me the
truth hereof.
b [" Two things there were
" remarkable in this corona-
" tion, which seemed to have
" something in them of presage.
•' Senhouse, who had been once
" his chaplain when prince of
*• Wales, and was now bishop
•* of Carlisle, had the honor to
*' preach upon the day of that
" great solemnity. An elo-
•' quent man he was reputed,
" and one that could very well
" express a passion ; but he
" had chosen such a text as
•• was more proper for a fune-
" ral than a coronation ; his
" text being this, viz. I will
give thee a crown of life,
Apoc. ii. 10. and was rather
" thought to put the new king
" in mind of his death than his
" duty in government ; and to
*'• have been his funeral sermon
•* when he was alive, as if he
0 were to have none when he
•- was to be buried. It was
" observed also that his ma-
" jesty on that day was clothed
" in white, contrary to the cus-
" torn of his predecessors, who
**
€(
" were on that day clad in pur-
" pie. And this he did not
** out of any necessity, for want
" of purple velvet enough to
" make a suit, (for he had many
" yards of it in his outward
" garment,) but at his own
" choice only, to declare that
M virgin purity with which he
" came to be espoused unto his
•• kingdom. White (as we
" know) is the colour of the
" saints, who are represented
"to us in white robes by St.
" John in the Revelation ; and
" purple is the imperial and
" regal colour. And this some
" looked on also as an evil pre-
" sage that the king, laying
" aside his purple, the robe of
" majesty, should clothe him-
•• self in white, the robe of in-
" nocence ; as if it thereby
tf were fore-signified that he
" should divest himself of that
" royal majesty, which might
" and would have kept him
" safe from affront and scorn,
" to rely wholly on the inno-
" cence of a virtuous life, which
" did expose him finally to ca-
'• lamitous ruin." Heylyn's
Life of Laud, p. 144.]]
C£NT. XVII.
of Britain.
25
17. The bishop of Lincoln, lord keeper, was now a. p. 1625.
daily descendent in the king's favor ; who so highly l---aren
distasted him, that he would not have him, as dean weii waved.
of Westminster, to perform any part of his corona-
tion ; yet so (was it a favour or a trial ?) that it was
left to his free choice to prefer any prebendary of
the church to officiate in his place0. The bishop
met with a dilemma herein. To recommend Dr.
Laud, bishop of St. David's, (and prebendary of
Westminster,) for that performance was to grace
one of his greatest enemies; to pass him by, and
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e [Dr. Heylyn observes that
the bishop of Lincoln was not
lord keeper at the coronation.
Secondly, if he had been so,
and that the king was so dis-
tasted with him as not to
suffer him to assist at his co-
ronation, how came he to be
suffered to be present at it in
the capacity of lord keeper ?
For that he did so in affirmed
by our author, saying, ' That
the king took a scroll of
parchment out of his bosom
and gave it to the lord keeper
Williams, who read it to the
commons four several times,
east, west, north, and south/
p. 30. Thirdly, the lord
keeper who read that scroll
was not the lord keeper Wil-
liams, but the lord keeper
Coventry, the seal being taken
from the bishop of Lincoln
and committed to the custody
of sir Thomas Coventry in
October before. And there-
fore, fourthly, our author is
much out in placing both the
coronation and the following
parliament before the change
of the lord keeper; andsend-
" ing sir John Suckling to fetch
" that seal at the end of a par-
*' liament in the spring, which
" he had brought away with
" him before Michaelmas term."
The Appeal, &c. part iii. p. 3.
A MS. letter from Mr. Mead,
quoted by sir Henry Ellis in
his Orig. Lett. iii. 214, gives
the following reasons for Wil-
liams' disgrace : " My lord bi-
" shop of Lincoln being se-
" questered from his office at
the coronation, as he is dean
of Westminster, and the bi-
shop of St. David's being set
up in his room by the great
man, his lordship is going
to retire himself at Bugden.
" The occasion of this loss of
his lord keeper's place, was
(besides some things that
passed at the last sitting in
parliament) a plain piece of
counsel his lordship gave my
lord duke at Salisbury, name-
ly, that. being as then general
both by sea and land, he
" should either go in person, or
" stay the fleet at home, or else
" give over his office of admi-
" ralty to some other."]
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26 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1625. prefer a private prebendary for that purpose before a
" bishop, would seem unhandsome, and be interpreted
a neglect of his own order. To avoid all exceptions,
he presented a list of all the prebendaries of that
church, referring the election to his majesty himself,
who made choice of Dr. Laud, bishop of St. David's,
for that attendance.
The coro. 18. Dr. Senhouse, bishop of Carlisle, (chaplain to
nation ser-
mon, the king when prince,) preached at the coronation ;
his text, And I wiU give unto thee a crown of life.
In some sort it may be said that he preached his
own funeral, dying shortly after ; and even then the
black jaundice had so possessed him, (a disease which
hangs the face with mourning as against its burial,)
that all despaired of his recovery. Now seeing this
coronation cometh within (if not the pales and park)
the purlieus of ecclesiastical history, we will present
so much thereof as was acted in the church of
Westminster. Let heralds marshal the solemnity of
their advance from Westminster hall to this church,
where our pen takes the first possession of this subject.
The solemn 19. But first, we will premise the equipage ac-
the church, cording to which they advanced from Westminster
hall to the abbey church, in order as followeth :
1. The aldermen of London, two by two, ushered
by an herald.
£. Eighty knights of the bath in their robes, each
having an esquire to support, and page to attend him.
3. The king's sergeants at law, solicitor, attorney,
masters of request, and judges.
4. Privy counsellors that were knights, and chief
officers of the king's household.
5. Barons of the kingdom, all bare headed, in their
parliament robes, with swords by their sides.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 27
6. The bishops, with scarlet gowns and lawn sleeves, a.d. 1635.
bare headed. »Ch»rU»l.
7. The viscounts and earls (not in their parliament,
but) in their coronation robes, with coronetted caps
on their heads.
8. The officers of state for the day ; whereof these
are the principal :
Sir Richard Winn.
Sir George Goring.
The Lord Privy Seal.
The Archbishop of Canterbury.
The earl of Dorset carrying the first sword naked.
The earl of Essex carrying the second sword naked.
The earl of Kent carrying the third sword naked.
The earl of Montgomery carrying the spurs.
The earl of Sussex carrying the globe and cross upon it.
The bishop of London carrying the golden cup for the
communion.
The bishop of Winchester carrying the golden plate for
the communion.
The earl of Rutland carrying the sceptre.
The marquis Hamilton carrying the sword of state
naked.
The earl of Pembroke carrying the crown.
The lord mayor, in a crimson velvet gown, carried
a short sceptre before the king amongst the ser-
geants : but I am not satisfied in the criticalness of
his place.
The earl of Arundel, as earl marshal of England,
and the duke of Buckingham, as lord high constable
of England for that day, went before his majesty in
this great solemnity.
20. The king entered at the west gate of the The man.
church, under a rich canopy carried by the barons of king's coro.
the cinque ports, his own person being supported by natMM1-
Dr. Neyle, bishop of Durham, on the one hand, and
28 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1625. Dr. Lake, bishop of Bath and Wells, on the other.
t Charles I. tt« j. • i_ • • j » i? 1 1 .*.
His train, being six yards long, of purple velvet, was
held up by the lord Compton (as belonging to the
robes) and the lord viscount Doncaster. Here he
was met by the prebends of Westminster, (bishop
Laud supplying the dean his place,) in their rich
copes, who delivered into his majesty's hand the
staff of king Edward the confessor, with which he
walked up to the scaffold.
n» fashion 21. This was made of wood at the upper end
ofthescaf- rr
fold. of the church, from the choir to the altar. His
majesty mounted it, none under the degree of a
baron standing thereon, save only the prebends of
Westminster, who attended on the altar : three
chairs were appointed for him in several places ; one
of repose, the second the ancient chair of corona-
tion, and the third, (placed on a high square of five
stairs ascent,) being the chair of state.
The king 22. All being settled and reposed, the lord arch-
presented
and accept, bishop did present his majesty to the lords and
peopL e commons, east, west, north, and south, asking their
minds, four several times, if they did consent to
the coronation of king Charles, their lawful sovereign.
The king meantime presented himself bare headed ;
the consent being given four times with great accla-
mation, the king took his chair of repose.
8wom and 23. After the sermon, (whereof before,) the lord
anointed. archbishop, invested in a rich cope, tendered to the
king (kneeling down on cushions at the communion
table) a large oath; then were his majesty's robes
taken off him and were offered on the altar. He
stood for a while stripped to his doublet and hose,
which were of white satin, (with ribbons on the
arms and shoulders to open them,) and he appeared
cent. xvii. of Britain. 29
a proper person to all that beheld him. Then wasA.D. 1625.
he led by the lord archbishop and the bishop of —
St. David's, and placed in the chair of coronation,
(a close canopy being spread over him,) the lord
archbishop anointing his head, shoulders, arms, and
hands, with a costly ointment, the choir singing an
anthem of these words, Zadoc the priest anointed
king Solomon.
24. Hence the king was led up in his doublet Solemnly
and hose, with a white coif on his head, to the com-crow
munion table, where bishop Laud (deputy for the
dean of Westminster) brought forth the ancient
habiliments of king Edward the Confessor, and put
them upon him. Then was his majesty brought
back to the chair of coronation, and received the
crown of king Edward, (presented by Laud, and)
put on his head by the archbishop of Canterbury ;
the choir singing an anthem, Thou shalt put a crown
of pure gold upon his head. Whereupon the earls
and viscounts put on their crimson velvet caps with
coronets about them, (the barons and bishops always
standing bare headed.) Then every bishop came
severally to his majesty to bring his benediction
upon him, and he, in king Edward's robes, with the
crown upon his head, rose from his chair and did
bow severally to every bishop apart.
25. Then was king Edward's sword girt about *"igirtana
him, which he took off again and offered up at the »"<>"i»-
communion table, with two swords more, (surely
not in relation to Scotland and Ireland, but to some
ancient principalities his predecessors enjoyed in
France.) Then the duke of Buckingham (as master
of the horse) put on his spurs ; and thus completely
30 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1625. crowned his majesty offered first gold, then silver, at
-the altar, and afterwards bread and wine, which
were to be used at the holy communion.
Homage 26. Then was his majesty conducted by the no-
done by the o J J
nobility to bility to the throne upon that square basis of five
18 *******' ascents, the choir singing Te Deum. Here his
majesty took an oath of homage from the duke
Buckingham, (as lord high constable for that day,)
and the duke did swear all the nobility besides to
be homagers to his majesty at his majesty's knees.
with their 27. Then as many earls and barons as could con-
oath. veniently stand about the throne, did lay their hands
on the crown on his majesty's head, protesting to
spend their bloods to maintain it to him and his
lawful heirs. The bishops severally kneeled down,
but took no oath as the barons did, the king kissing
every one of them.
A pardon gg. Then the king took a scroll of parchment out
general ° r
granted, of his bosom, and gave it to the lord keeper Wil-
liams, who read it to the commons four several
times, east, west, north, and south. The effect
whereof was, that his majesty did offer a pardon
to all his subjects who would take it under his
broad seal.
The com- 29. From the throne his majesty was conducted
conclude to the communion table, where the lord archbishop
the^oiem- knee]jng on ^e north side, read prayers in the choir
and sung the Nicene Creed. The bishop of Llandaff
and Norwich read the epistle and gospel, with whom
the bishops of Durham and St David's, in rich copes,
kneeled with his majesty and received the commu-
nion ; the bread from the archbishop, the wine from
the bishop of St. David's, his majesty receiving last
cent, xvii, of Britain. 31
of all9 whilst Gloria in excebis was sung by the a. d. 16*5.
choir, and some prayers read by the archbishop con-i ar<*
eluded the solemnity.
30. The king, after he had disrobed himself in The return
• to White-
king Edward's chapel, came forth in a short robe of hail.
red velvet girt unto him, lined with ermines, and a
crown of his own on his head set with very precious
stones, and thus the train going to the barges on
the water side, returned to Whitehall in the same
order wherein they came, about three o'clock in the
afternoon.
31. I have insisted the longer on this subject Ourproiiri.
0 J ty herein
moved thereunto by this consideration, that if it excused.
be the last solemnity performed on an English king
in this kind, posterity will conceive my pains well
bestowed, because on the last. But if hereafter
divine providence shall assign England another king,
though the transactions herein be not wholly prece-
dential, something of state may be chosen out grate-
ful for imitation.
32. And here if a blister was not, it deserved A foul
mouth rail-
to be, on the fingers of that scandalous pamphleteer, er.
who hath written that king Charles was not crowned
like other kings ; whereas all essentials of his coro-
nation were performed with as much ceremony as
ever before, and all robes of state used according
to ancient prescription : but if he indulged his own
fancy for the colour of his clothes, a white suit, &c.
persons meaner than princes have in greater matters
assumed as much liberty to themselves.
33. Indeed, one solemnity (no part of, but preface Why the
to, the coronation) was declined on good consider- not through
ation. For whereas the kings of England used to ride eaty*
from the tower, through the city, to Westminster;
S£ The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1625. king Charles went thither by water, out of double
— providence, to save health and wealth thereby. For
though the infectious air in the city of London had
lately been corrected with a sharp winter, yet was it
not so amended but that a just suspicion of danger did
remain. Besides, such a procession would have cost
him threescore thousand pounds, to be disbursed on
scarlet for his train ; a sum which if then demanded
of his exchequer would scarce receive a satisfactory
answer thereunto ; and surely some who since con-
demn him for want of state in omitting this royal
pageant, would have condemned him more for pro-
digality, had he made use thereof.
A memo- 34. As for any other alterations in prayers or
nble alter- J r J
ation in a ceremonies, though heavily charged on bishop Laud,
pag6an are since conceived by unpartial people done by
a committee, wherein (though the bishop accused
as most active) others did equally consent*. Indeed,
a passage not in fashion since the reign of king Henry
the Sixth, was used in a prayer at this time. Obti-
neat gratiam huic populo sicut Aaron in tabemaculo,
Elizeus in flwio, Zacharias in templo, sit Pctrus in
clave, Paulus in dogmate. " Let him obtain favour
" for his people like Aaron in the tabernacle, Elisha
" in the waters, Zacharias in the temple; give him
" Peter's key of discipline, Paul's doctrine." This I
may call a Protestant passage, though anciently used
in popish times, as fixing more spiritual power in
the king than the pope will willingly allow, jealous
that any should finger Peter's keys save himself.
a confer- 35 a few days after a parliament began, wherein
home. Mr. Mountague was much troubled about his book,
d [Upon this point see a full and complete justification of the
archbishop, in the History of his Troubles, p. 3 18, sq.]
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
S3
but made a shift by bis powerful friends to saveAP- !/wJ-
* * i Chnrles I.
himself. During the sitting whereof, at the instance
and procurement of Robert Rich, earl of Warwick,
a conference was kept in York house, before the
duke of Buckingham and other lords, betwixt Dr.
Buckeridge, bishop of Rochester, and Dr. White,
dean of Carlisle, on the one side, and Dr Morton,
bishop of Coventry, and Dr. Preston on the other,
about Arminian points, and chiefly the possibility of
one elected to fall from grace e. The passages of
c [Not upon Arminian points,
although our author is pleased
to call them such. The confer-
ence resjiected points of doctrine
and discipline, where, in sup-
port of his views, Mountague
appealed to the writings of the
primitive church. Indeed he
earnestly disclaimed the tenets
of Arminius, or any other pri-
vate teacher, as may he seen in
the following passage : " I am
" not, nor would be accounted
" willingly, Arminian, Calvin-
44 ist, or Lutheran, (names of di-
" vision,) but a Christian. For
" my faith was never taught by
" the doctrine of men. I was
not baptized into the belief,
or assumed by grace into the
" family of any of these, or of
•• the pope. I will not pin my
" belief unto any man's sleeve,
" carry he his head never so high ;
" not unto S. Augustin, or any
" ancient father, nedum unto
" men of lower rank. A Chris-
'* tian I am and so glory to be ;
" only denominated of Christ
" Jesus my lord and master, by
whom I never was as yet so
wronged that I would relin-
quish willingly that royal
FULLER, VOL. VI.
«•
•«
<«
••
•t
tt
n
tt
tt
•<
tt
*t
tt
tt
tt
tt
n
t%,
tt
««
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
«•
tt
tt
tt
tt
it
it
title, and exchange it for any
of his menial servants. And
further yet I do profess that
I see no reason why any
member of the Church of
England, a church every way
so transcendant unto that of
Leyden and Geneva, should
bend so low as to denomi-
nate himself of any the most
eminent among them.
" For Arminianism I
must and do protest before
God and his angels, id que in
verbo sacerdotis, the time is
yet to come that I ever read
word in Arminius. The course
of my studies was never ad-
dressed to modern epitom-
izers ; but from my first en-
trance to the study of divi-
nity, I balked the ordinary
and accustomed bye- paths of
Bastingius' Catechism, Fen-
ner's Divinity, Buchanan's
Common-places, Trelcasius,
Polanus, and such like ; and
betook myself to scripture,
the rule of faith, interpreted
by antiquity, the' best expo-
sitor of faith and applier of
that rule : holding it a point
of discretion to draw water,
I)
34 The Church History book xe.
A^P* 1.625* which conference are variously reported. For -it is
I Charles I. ,11
not in tongue combats, as in other battles, where
the victory cannot be disguised, as discovering itself
in keeping the field, number of the slain, captives,
and colours taken. Whilst here, no such visible
effects appearing, the persons present were left to
their liberty to judge of the conquest as each one
stood affected. However William* earl of Pembroke,
was heard to say, "that none returned Arminians
4i thence, save such who repaired thither with the
" same opinions."
ABecondon g(}# Soon after, a second conference was entertain-
the same
■ubjecu. ed in the same place, on the same points, before the
game persons ; betwixt Dr. White, dean of Carlisle,
and Mr. Mountague on the one side, and Dr. Mor-
ton, bishop of Lichfield, and Dr. Preston on the
other. Dr. Preston carried it clear at the first by
dividing his adversaries; who quickly perceiving
their error, pieced themselves together in a joint op-
position against him. The passages also of this con-
ference are as differently related as the former. Some
making it fa clear conquest on one, some on the
other side, and a third sort a drawn battle betwixt
both. Thus the success of these meetings answered
neither the commendable intentions, nor hopeful
expectations, of such who procured them. Now
whilst other dare say universally of such conferences,
what David saith of mankind, that of them, *there
*' as near as I could, to the •' to I have not repented me of
" well-head, and to spare labor •• it." Appello, p. 10, sq.]
" in vain in running further off f Thus the writer of Dr.
c< to cisterns and lakes. I went Preston's Life concludes the
" to inquire when doubt was of conquest on his side.
'• the days of old, as God him- ff Psalm xlv. 3.
" self directed me, and hither-
CENT. XVII.
of' Britain.
35
is none that doeth good; no, not one: we dare only a. d. 1635.
intimate, tbat (what statesmen observe of inter "
views betwixt princes; so) these conferences be-
twixt divines rather increase the differences than
abate them11.
37. The bishop of Lincoln fell now, through the The bishop
,1,. 11*9 1*1 1 it of Lincoln
dukes, into the kings, displeasure; and such who loseth his
will read the late letters in the Cabala may conjee- pST *
ture the cause thereof, but the certainty we leave to
be reported by the historians of the state ; belonging
in his episcopal capacity to my pen, but as lord
keeper properly to theirs.
38. The bishop, finding his own tottering con- The duke
dition, addressed himself to all who had intimacy gainst him.
with the duke, to reingratiate himself. But such
after-games at court seldom succeed ; all would not
do : for as amicus omnium optimus was part of the
duke's epitaph ', so no fiercer foe when displeased ;
and nothing under the bishop's removal from his
office would give him satisfaction.
39- Sir John Suckling was sent unto him from The w-
# . shop's wari-
the king to demand the broad seal of him, which ness in re.
the cautious bishop refused to surrender into hisJS"*
hands, to prevent such uses as might be made there-
of (by him or others) in the interval betwixt this
h [Of these conferences,
which made great noise at
the time, and certainly caused
a great change in the senti-
ments of bishop Morton, some
account will be found in Ball's
Life of Preston, p. 101, sq.
But the writer of that life has
either so entirely misunderstood
or misrepresented the argu-
ments, us to make the defenders
of the sentiments he disliked
talk arrant nonsense, and sup-
port their tenets in a way utter-
ly at variance with their printed
works. An account of the se-
cond conference is printed in
the appendix to Cosins' History
of Transubstantiation, found a-
mong some MS. papers in the
Bodleian ; and probably writ-
ten by Cosins.]
1 On his tomb in Westmin-
ster chapel.
D 2
36 The Church History jiook xi.
a.d. 1615. resigning it, and the king's conferring it on another;
but he charily locked it up in a box, and sent the
box by the knight, and key thereof inclosed in a
letter to his majesty.
But keeps 40. However, his bruise was the less, because he
his bishop-
ric fell but from the first loft and saved himself on the
second floor. Outed his lord-keepership, but keep-
ing his bishopric of Lincoln and deanery of West-
minster, though forced to part with the king's purse,
he held his own, and that well replenished. And
now he is retired to Bugden-great, where, whether
greater his anger at his enemies for what he had
lost, or gratitude to God for what he had left, though
others may conjecture, his own conscience only could
decide. Here we leave him at his hospitable table,
where sometimes he talked so loud, that his dis-
course at the second hand was heard to London,
by those who bare no good-will unto him.
a new col- 41. An old hall turned into a new college was
old hail in this year finished at Oxford. This formerly was
called Broadgate's Hall, and had many students
therein, k amongst whom, Edmund Bonner, after-
wards bishop of London, (scholar enough and tyrant
too much,) had his education1. But this place was
not endowed with any revenues till about this time ;
for Thomas Tesdale, of Glympton, in the county of
Oxford, esquire, bequeathed five thousand pounds,
wherewith lands were purchased to the value of two
hundred and fifty pounds per annum, for the main-
tenance of seven fellows and six scholars. After-
wards Richard Whitwick, bachelor of divinity, rector
of East Ilsley in Berkshire, gave lands to the yearly
k [So well frequented and known as to become a proverb.]
1 O *524-]
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
37
value of one hundred pounds, for the maintenance a. p. 16*5.
of three fellows and four scholars ; whereupon, peti "
tion being made to king James, this new college
was erected, and a charter of mortmain of seven
hundred pounds per annum granted thereunto.
42. It was called Pembroke College, partly in Called Pem-
respect to William, earl of Pembroke, then chan-iege.e
cellor of the university, partly in expectation to
receive some favour from him. And probably had
not that noble lord died suddenly soon after, this
college might have received more than a bare name
from him. The best, where a child hath rich pa-
rents it needeth the less any gifts from the god-
father.
Matters,
Benefactors.
Bishops.
Learned Writers.
1. [1624] Dr. [Thomas] Clay-
ton, M.D.
2. [1647. Henry Wightwick,
ejected by Parliament; re.
stored in 1660; and eject-
ed by the chancellor a se-
cond time, 1664.]
3. [1647] Dr. [Henry] Lang-
ley.
King Charles,
who gave the
patronage of
St. Aldate's,
the church
adjoining.
Sir Thomas Browne,
Physician.
So that this college consisteth of a master, ten
fellows, and ten scholars, with other students and
officers to the number of one hundred sixty-nine.
43. " The doctor and the duke were both of them
unwilling to an open breach, loved for to temporise
and wait upon events™". Surely temporise here is
taken in the apostolic sense, according to some
copies, " serving the times11". And henceforward the
m~ Dr. Preston's Life, p. 505.
B Rom. xii. II. r$ icaipy &ov\€vovrts. Ambrosiu?.
p3
38
The Church History
book xr.
a. d. 1626. duke resolved to shake off the doctor, who would
1 f hiirlrn T
not stick close unto him, betaking himself to the
opposite interest. Nor was the other surprised
herein, as expecting the alteration long before.
Dr. Piw. 44. By the late conferences at York house it
Inthe n<* appeared, that by the duke's cold carriage towards
v^§fiu *l*m» (an(* sn"ling on his opponents,) Dr. Preston
was now entering into the autumn of the duke's
favour. Indeed, they were well met, each observing,
neither trusting other, (as I read in the doctor's life,
written by his judicious pupil.)
The death 45. This year concluded the life of Arthur Lake,
•hop Lake, warden of New College in Oxford, master of St.
Cross's, dean of Worcester, and at last promoted
bishop of Bath and Wells, not so much by the power
of his brother, sir Thomas, (secretary to king James,)
as his own desert ; as one whose piety may be justly
exemplary to all of his order. He seldom (if at all)
is said to have dreamt, justly imputed, not to the
dulness of his fancy, in which faculty he had no
defect, but to the staidness of his judgment, wherein
he did much excel, as by his learned sermons doth
appear0.
The death 46. About the same time Lancelot Andrews ended
and charac-
ter of bi- bis religious lifeP; born at Allhallows-Barking in
drew*,11 London; scholar, fellow, and master of Pembroke
Hall in Cambridge*. Then dean of Westminster,
0 [He died May 4. See
Wood's Athen. vol. i. p. 505.]
P [See Buckeridge's Sermon
upon bishop Andrews' death,
Nov. 11, 1626.]
q [Perhaps there never ex-
isted a prelate so universally
beloved as Andrews. Al-
though a zealous and earnest
admirer of the primitive church,
and one of the most learned
men of his days, he bore his
faculties so meekly, his humi-
lity was so unaffected, his piety
so real and sincere, that all
parties have joined in com-
mending him. " This is that
" Andrews," says Hacket, who
CXWT. XVII.
of Britain.
39
bishop of Chichester, Ely, and at last of Winchester1". ^J^jf7*!'
The world wanted learning to know how learned
this man was, so skilled in all {especially oriental)
languages, that some conceive he might (if then
living) almost have served as an interpreter general at
the confusion of tongues. Nor are the fathers more
faithfully cited in his books, than lively copied out
in his countenance and carriage; his gravity in a
manner awing king James, who refrained from that
mirth and liberty, in the presence of this prelate,
which otherwise he assumed to himself. He lieth
buried in the chapel of St. Mary Overe's, having on
his monument a large, elegant, and true epitaph8.
had personally known him,
" the ointment of whose name
" is sweeter than all spices.
This is that celebrated bishop
of Winton, whose learning
king James admired above all
his chaplains. Indeed, he
" was the most apostolical and
primitive-like divine, in my
opinion, that wore a rochet
in his age ; of a most vener-
able gravity, and yet most
sweet in all commerce ; the
most devout that ever I saw
when he appeared before God ;
** of such a growth in all kind
u of learning, that very able
" clerks were of a low 6tature
to him ; colossus inter icun-
culas ; foil of alms and cha-
rity, of which none knew but
his Father in secret; a certain
patron to scholars of fame
and ability, and chiefly to
" those that never expected it.
'* I am transported even as in
" a rapture to make this digres-
sion ; for who could come
near the shrine of such a
**
<€
<«
«<
<%
<*
«4
«<
€€
<t
**
f*
€*
«C
4*
4«
U
" saint and not offer up a few
" grains of glory upon it !"
Life of Williams, p. 45.]
r [Wood dates his death
upon Sept. 26, 1626, wherein
he is followed by a MS. in
the Heralds' College, and by
Parker in his Seel. Cant, (see
Wood's Fast. vol. i. p. 219,
and the notes.) But Godwin
de Praesul. p. 245, and Heylyn
in his Life of Laud, p. 165,
date it on the 21st. In this
they are supported by the fol-
lowing entry in Laud's Diary,
p. 36, which is decisive of the
question: " Sep. 21. die Lunee,
" hora matutina fere quarta
•' Lancelotus Andrews, episco-
** pus Winton. nieritissimus,
" lumen orbis Christiani, mor-
" tuus est." He died at the
age of 71. His Life, written
by Isaacson, may be seen in
Fuller's Abel Redivivua, and
has also been printed sepa-
rately.]
8 S tow's Survey of London,
[vol. ii. p. 1 4 and 1 6.]
D 4
40
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1626. 47. Since bis death some have unjustly snarled at
-his memory, accusing him for covetousness, who
Unjustly . . - .
accused for was neither rapaa\ to get by unjust courses, (as
covetous- a pj^fegg^ enemy to usury, simony, and bribery,)
ness,
and super-
stition.
nor tenaw, to hold money when just occasion called
for it ; for in his lifetime he repaired all places he
lived in, and at his death left the main of his estate
to pious uses. Indeed he was wont to say, "that
" good husbandry was good divinity1," the truth
whereof no wise man will deny.
48. Another falls foully upon him for the orna-
ments of his chapel, as popish and superstitious, in
the u superabundant ceremonies thereof, to which
I can say little ; but this I dare affirm, that where-
soever he was a parson, a dean, or a bishop, he
never troubled parish, college, or diocess, with press-
ing other ceremonies upon them than such which
he found used there before his coming thither. And
it had not been amiss if such, who would be ac-
counted his friends and admirers, had followed him
in the footsteps of his moderation, content with the
enjoying, without the enjoining, their private prac-
tices and opinions on others1.
c«i»deMiy 49. As for such who causelessly have charged his
with affect- sermons as affected, and >' surcharged with verbal
sermons, allusions, when they themselves have set forth the
* [See his sermon on Mary's
anointing our Lord's feet, p.
287. Buckeridge's sermon suf-
ficiently disproves this slander.]
u Prynne, in Canterbury's
Doom, p. 1 a 1, sq.
x [He means archbishop
Laud, who was exceedingly
devoted to Andrews ; publish-
ing his sermons and writing the
preface prefixed to them. The
ceremonies used in dedicating
Catharine Cree Church, for
which the archbishop was vehe-
mently taxed, (see Rush worth,
vol. i. p. 77,) were derived from
Andrews. See Heylyn's Life
of Laud, p. 49.]
y Bayley in his Laudensium
Autocatacrisis, [p. 89.]
CKNT. XVII.
of Britain.
41
like, it will then be time enough to make thisA.D. ir>*r».
bishop's first defence against their calumniations - •'
Nor is it a wonder that the master's pen was so
in his writings, whose very servant (a layman) was
so successful in the same ; I mean Mr. Henrv Isaac-
son, (lately gone to God,) the industrious author of
the useful Chronology1.
50. It is pity to part this patron from his chap- Nicholas
lain, Nicholas Fuller, born, as I take it, in 1 1 amp- chaplain,
shire, bred in Oxford, where he was tutor to sir abie Stic.
Henry Wallop, who afterwards preferred him to
the small parsonage of Allington in Wiltshire;
and Robert Abbot, bishop of Salisbury, made him
canon of that church. Afterwards a living of great
value was sent by bishop Andrews (the patron*
thereof) on the welcome errand to find out Mr.
Fuller to accept the same, who was hardly contented
to be surprised with a presentation thereunto ; such
his love to his former small living and retired lifeb.
He was the prince of all our English critics; and
whereas men of that tribe are generally morose,
* [Author of the Life of bi-
shop Andrews, generally pre-
fixed to his Works.]
* See bishop Andrews his
funeral sermon, [by bishop
Buckeridge, at the end of his
Works.]
b [Aubrey tells the follow-
ing anecdote, which he received
from good authority, respect-
ing Nicholas Fuller's present-
ation. Speaking of Andrews'
industry in searching out and
promoting poor and deserving
clergymen, he observes ; " The
" bishop made it his inquiry to
" search out such men. A-
" mongst several others, (whose
" names have escaped my me-
" mory,) Nicholas Fuller, min-
" isterof Allington, near Ames-
" bury, in Wilts, was one. The
" bishop sent for him, and the
" poor man was afraid, and
" knew not what hurt he had
" done. He makes him sit
" down to dinner : and, after
" the dessert, was brought in, in
" a dish, his institution and in-
" duction, or the donation of a
" prebend, which was his way."
Letters from the Bodleian, vol.
ii. p. 206.]
42
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A.D. 1626. so that they cannot dissent from another without
2 Charlen I.
'disdaining, nor oppose without inveighing against
him, it is hard to say whether more candour, learn-
ing, or judgment, was blended in his miscellanies.
By discovering how much Hebrew there is in the
New Testament Greek, he cleareth many real diffi-
culties from his verbal observations0,
ceedl™*^ &l. A commission was granted unto five bishops
gam«tarrfi- (whereof bishop Laud of the quorum) to suspend
i*>t. Su»- archbishop Abbot from exercising his authority any
pendedfrom « « • 1 #» 1 1 • • j
hi8 juriadio longer, because uncanomcal for casual homicide;
tion- the proceeding against him being generally con-
demned as over rigid and severed.
c [See a very just commend-
ation of Nicholas Fuller in
Wood's Athen. vol. i. p. 474.]
d [The observations on this
passage in " The Appeal, &c."
part iii. p. 1 o, deserve serious
attention. Dr. Heylyn says,
" Had our author said that
" bishop Laud had been one of
" the number, he had hit it
" right ; the commission being
" granted to five bishops, viz.
" Dr. Mountain, bishop of Lon-
" don ; Dr. Neil, bishop of
" Durham ; Dr. Buckeridge,
" bishop of Rochester; Dr.
" Howson, bishop of Oxford ;
" and Dr. Laud bishop of Bath
" and Wells ; and to any four,
" three, or two of them, and
" no more than so. Had bi-
shop Laud been of the quo-
rum, his presence and con-
" sent had been so necessary
" to all their consultations,
" conclusions, and despatch of
" businesses, that nothing could
" be done without him," &c.
To this Fuller replies : ''Be
•«
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tc
tt
tt
tt
C<
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
t€
it
tt
tt
It
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
it
it remembered that here I
use the word quorum not in
the legal strictness thereof,
but in that passable sense in
common discourse; viz. for
one so active in a business,
that nothing is, though it
may be, done without him
therein.
" When the writing for arch-
bishop Abbot's suspension
was to be subscribed by the
bishops aforesaid, the four
seniors, viz. London, Dur-
ham, Rochester, and Oxford,
all declined to set their hands
thereunto, and, seemingly at
the least, shewed much re-
luctance and regret thereat.
Then give me the pen, said
bishop Laud, and though last
in place first subscribed his
name. Encouraged by whose
words and example, the rest,
after some demur, did the
like. This was attested to
me by him who had best
cause to know it, the good
and credible register, still
TENT. XVII.
<tf Britain.
43
i. The act was committed seven years since, inA.D. 1626.
the reign of king James.
ii. On a commission then appointed for that pur-
pose, he was cleared from all irregularity, by bishop
Andrews, in divinity ; sir Edward Coke in common,
and sir Henry Martin in canon law.
iii. It would be of dangerous consequence to
condemn him by the canons of foreign councils,
which never were allowed any legislative power in
this land.
iv. The archbishop had manifested much remorse
and self-affliction for this (rather sad than sinful)
act.
v. God may be presumed to have forgotten so
much as there was of fault in the fact, and why then
should man remember it ?
vi. Ever since he had executed his jurisdiction
without any interruption6.
vii. The archbishop had both feet in the grave,
and all his whole body likely soon after to follow
them.
viii. Such heightening of casual homicide did
savour of intentional malice.
" alive, who attended in the
" place upon them. This I
" formerly knew, but conceal-
" ed it ; and had not published
" it now, if not necessitated
" thereunto in my just de-
" fence."]
e [" I must needs add, that
" he is very much mistaken in
" this particular. Dr. Williams,
" lord elect of Lincoln ; Dr.
'• Carew, lord elect of Exeter ;
" and Dr. Laud, lord elect of
" St. David's, and I think some
•«
others, refusing to receive
" episcopal consecration from
" him on that account." Dr.
Heylyn, in "The Appeal,"
&c. p. 12, pt.iii. Fuller re-
plies, " I beheld this as no
" effectual interrupting of his
jurisdiction, because other
bishops, more in number, no
" whit their inferiors, received
" consecration, Dr. Davenant,
" Dr. Hall, and king Charles
" himself his coronation from
" him." Ibid.]
«
t*
44
The Church History
BOOK XK
ad. 1626. The truth is, the archbishop's own stiffness and
' averseness to comply with the court designs, advan-
taged his adversaries against him, and made him the
more obnoxious to the king's displeasure. But the
blame did most light on bishop Laud, men account-
ing this a kind of filius ante diem> Sfc. as if not con-
tent to succeed, he endeavoured to supplant him;
who might well have suffered his decayed old age to
have died in honour. What needs the felling of
the tree a falling f?
f [On this Dr. Heylyn re-
marks, " No such matter nei-
" ther ; for though for a while
" he stood confined to his house
" at Ford, yet neither this con-
" finement, nor that commis-
" sion, were of long continu-
" ance ; for about Christmas,
,4 in the year 1628, he was re-
" stored both to his liberty and
" jurisdiction, sent for to come
" unto the court, received as
" he came out of his barge by
4< the archbishop of York and
" the earl of Dorset, and by
" them conducted to the king,
" who, giving him his hand to
" kiss, enjoined him not to fail
" the council-table twice a
" week. After which time we
" find him sitting as archbishop
" in parliament, and in the full
" exercise of his jurisdiction
" till the day of his death,
" which happened on Sunday,
" August 4th, 1633." Fuller
replies, "But from this his
" suspension he was in his
" own thoughts buried, it re-
" viving his obnoxiousness for
" his former casual homicide;
" so that never he was seen
" heartily, if at all, to laugh
" hereafter, though, I deny not,
" much court favour was after*
" wards on design conferred on
t% him. Here I hope it will be
•' no offence to insert this inno-
u cent story, partly to shew how
" quickly tender guiltiness is
" dejected, partly to make folk
" cautious how they cast out
" galling speeches in this kind.
" This archbishop returning to
" Croydon after his late ab-
" sence thence a long time,
" many people, most women,
" whereof some of good quality
" for good will, for novelty and
" curiosity, crowded about his
"coach. The archbishop, being
•' unwilling to be gazed at, and
" never fond of females, said,
" somewhat churlishly, ' What
" make these women here ? '
" ' You had best,' said one of
•« them, ' to shoot an arrow at
" us/ I need not tell the read-
•• er how near this second arrow
" went to his heart." There
is a very pleasing anecdote
respecting Abbot related in an
unpublished letter of J. Pory
to sir Thomas Pickering, (dated
Sept. 20, 1632.) " One day the
" last week my lord of A run-
cent. xvii. of Britain. 45
52. However, a double irood accrued hereby toAI) ,f>a
2 Churlett
the archbishop. First, he became the more beloved
Two pjod
of men ; (the country hath constantly a blessing for effects of
those, for whom the court hath a curse.) And >a< c*"w
secondly, he may charitably be presumed to love
God the more, whose service he did the better
attend, being freed from the drudgery of the world,
as that soul which hath the least of Martha hath the
most of Mary therein.
53. And although this archbishop survived some Thecham
years after, yet it will be seasonable here for us tobiihop At
take a fair farewell of his memory, seeing hence- lK)t*
forward he was buried to the world. He was bred
in Oxford, master of University College ; an excel-
lent preacher, as appears by his Lectures on Jonah ;
chaplain to the earl of Dunbar, (with whom he was
once solemnly sent by king James into Scotland to
M del and his son, my lord Mai- "noble usage of his son and
" travers, having espied my " daughter, Malt ravers, while
" lord of Canterbury's coach on "they were his prisoners/
•* Barnsted Down coming to- " Whereupon my lord's grace
" wards their 's, before they " took occasion to congratulate
" came a butt's length short of " unto both their lordships, my
" it both their lordships alight- " lord Maltravers his brave and
" ed and went a great pace to- " hopeful progeny of three sons
" wards his grace's coach, who, " and a daughter : and so they
•• when they were approached, " parted. His grace by his
" said, • What ! and must my " diet hath so moderated his
" lord marshal of England take " gout, as it is now rather an
" so great pains to do me so " infirmity than a pain. He
" much honour ? were my legs u looks fresh, and enjoys his
" as good as my heart, I should " health, and hath his wits and
" have met your lordships the " intellectuals about him. So
'• better half of the way.' Then " that if any other prelate do
" my lord of Arundel replied, " gape after his benefice, his
•' ' It might well become an " grace perhaps (according to
" earl marshal to give so much " that old and homely proverb)
" respect to an archbishop of " [may] eat of the goose which
" Canterbury, besides the par- •' shall graze upon his grave."
" ticular obligation from his Harl. MSS. 7000. fol. 181.]
0 lordship to his grace for his
46
Tl* Chunk History
BOOK XI.
a. D.1676. preach there,) and afterwards by his means promoted
2 Charles 1.
to the archbishopric of Canterbury, haply according
to his own, but sure I am above, if not against,
the expectations of others ; a grave man in his con-
versation, and unblamable in his life*.
Accounted 54. Indeed it is charged on him that nan amavit
no great 111 %*
friend to the gentem nostram, "he loved not our nation, for-
ew' saking the birds of his own feather to fly with others,
and generally favouring the laity above the clergy in
all cases brought before him. But this he endea-
voured to excuse to a private friend, by protesting
he was himself so severe to the clergy on purpose
to rescue them from the severity of others, and
to prevent the punishment of them from lay judges
to their greater shame.
Accused for 55. I also read in a nameless author11, that to-
of maieoon- wards his death he was not only discontented himself,
tenu* but his house was the rendezvous of all malecontents
in church and state ; making midnight of noonday
by constant keeping of candles9 light in his chamber
and study; as also such visitants as repaired unto
* [It was generally expected
as it was hoped by the clergy
that Andrews should have suc-
ceeded Bancroft in the see of
Canterbury, a prelate incom-
parably better suited to such
a preferment than Abbot.
Though a good man, Abbot
had never held any preferment
in the church, and " was of a
" morose and retiring temper,
" and wholly devoted to the
" Calvinistic party." But the
interest of the earl of Dunbar
with the king procured Abbot
this promotion, — the king open-
ly professing that it was the
earl's recommendation which
moved him to prefer that pre-
late " before the rest of his
•' fellows." See Birch's View
of the Negotiations, &c. p. 338.
The archbishop's character is
drawn by lord Clarendon, with
his usual felicity in his History
of the Rebellion, vol.i. p. 156.]
h In answer to Weldon's
pamphlet intituled, The Court
and Character of King James,
p. 132. [This answer is gene-
rally attributed to William
Saunderson, author of a His-
tory of the Reign of James I.
and Charles I.]
CENT. XVI 1.
of Britain.
47
him called themselves Nicodemites because of their A*P- \62^
a Charles I.
secret addresses1. But a credible personk, and one
of his nearest relations, knew nothing thereof, which
with me much shaketh the probability of the report.
And thus we leave this archbishop, and the rest of
his praises, to be reported by the poor people of
Guildford in Surrey, where he founded and endowed
a fair almshouse in the town of his nativity.
56. The king's treasury now began to grow low, £ toleration
and his expenses to mount high. No wonder then Ireland.
if the statesmen were much troubled to make up the
distance betwixt his exchequer and his occasions.
Amongst other designs, the papists in Ireland,
(taking advantage of the king's wants,) proffered
to pay constantly five thousand men if they might
but enjoy a toleration. But that motion was crushed
by the bishops opposing it, and chiefly by bishop
Downham's sermon in Dublin, on this text, Luke i.
74, That we, being delivered from the hands of our
enemies, might serve him without fear l.
* [And so it is stated by the
noble historian. Indeed, the
archbishop was not much belov-
ed by the clergy, with whom he
appears to have had but little
community of feeling. For he
was in truth, as the same his-
torian describes him, " totally
" ignorant of the true consti-
" tution of the Church of Eng-
" land, and the state and in-
" terest of the clergy; as suffi-
••" ciently appeared throughout
" the whole course of his life
" afterward." Rebel, vol. i.
p. 156. John Featley also, in
his Life of Dr. Featley, gives
a very striking instance of the
morosenes* and uncharitable-
ness of the Archbishop, whose
anecdote is more likely to be
correct, as Featley entertained
the same sentiments as Abbot.
To this may be added the
unquestionable authority of
Hacket, who, speaking of the
archbishop's rigorous conduct
in the high commission court,
observes, that " sentences of
'* great correction, or rather of
" destruction, have their epocha
" from his predominancy in
" that court." Life of Wil-
liams, p. 97.]
k Dr. Barnard his household
chaplain.
1 [This protest of the Irish
bishops against any toleration to
i
48
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A.D. 1626.
1 Charles I.
Hopes to
spring in
England,
But is re-
jected.
57. Many a man sunk in his estate in England
hath happily recovered it by removing into Ireland ;
whereas, by a contrary motion, this project, bank-
rupt in Ireland, presumed to make itself up in
England : where the papists promised to maintain
a proportion of ships on the aforesaid condition, of
free exercise of their religion. Some were desirous
the king should accept their tender, who might
lawfully take what they were so forward to give,
seeing no injury is done to them who are willing.
58. It was urged on the other side, that where
such willingness to be injured proceeds from the
principle of an erroneous conscience, there their
simplicity ought to be informed, not abused. Grant
papists so weak as to buy, protestants should be
more honest than to sell such base wares unto them.
Such ships must needs spring many leaks, rigged,
victualled and manned with ill-gotten money gained
the Roman Catholics is printed
in Parr's Life of Usher, p. 28.
They state that the religion of
the papists is superstitious and
idolatrous, their faith and doc-
trine erroneous and heretical,
their church, in respect of both,
apostolical, and consequently
that to grant them toleration
is a grievous sin; 1. In making
ourselves thereby accessory to
their superstition and idolatry,
as also to the perdition of the
people that perish by their se-
ductions; 2. That to grant
them toleration in respect of
any money to be given, is to set
religion to sale, and with it the
souls of the people. This pro-
testation Dr. Downham, bishop
of Derry, published at Christ-
Church at the next meeting of
the assembly, April 23, 1627,
before the lord deputy and
council in the midst of his ser-
mon, in which he spoke much
against subordinating religion,
and setting souls to sale for the
gain of earthly matters. The
next Sunday, primate Usher
preached before the same audi-
tory on the words, Love not the
world, nor the things that are
in the world, 1 John v. 15.
making a similar application,
and rebuking those who, like
Judas, would sell Christ for
thirty pieces of silver. These
proceedings of the bishops pre-
vailed so far that the proposal
for a toleration did not succeed,
at least for the present. See
Parr, ibid. See also Usher's
Letters, p. 376.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 49
by the sale of souls. Add here all the objections a. d. 1618.
were revived which in the reign of king James were 4 "
improved against such a toleration.
59. Here sir John Savile interposed, that if tbe||'£j,?i
king were pleased but to call on the recusants to motion.
pay thirds, (legally due to the crown,) it would
prove a way more effectual and less offensive to
raise a mass of money ; it being but just, who were
so rich and free to purchase new privileges, should
first pay their old penalties. This motion was list-
ened unto, and sir John, with some others, appointed
for that purpose in the counties beyond Trent, scarce
a third of England in ground, but almost the half
thereof for the growth of recusants therein; but
whether the returns seasonably furnished the king's
occasions is to me unknown.
60. It is suspicious that all such projects toApa*%j
quench the thirst of the king's necessities proved which
no better than sucking bottles, soon emptied, and STuSubies.
but cold the liquor they afforded. Nothing so
natural as the milk of the breast, I mean subsidies
granted by parliament, which the king at this time
assembled. But alas, to follow the metaphor, both
the breasts, the two houses, were so sore with several
grievances, that all money came from them with
much pain and difficulty; the rather, because they
complained of doctrines destructive to their pro-
priety lately preached at court.
61. For towards the end of this session of par- Mr. Pym'§
liament, Dr. Main waring was severely censured for gainst Dr.
two sermons he had preached and printed about the ri^Wft"
power of the king's prerogative. Such is the preci-
pice of this matter, (wherein each casual slip of
my pen may prove a deadly fall,) that I had rather
VULLEft, VOL. VI. E
50
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1628. the reader should take all from Mr. Pym's mouth
4 Charles 1.
than from ray hand, who thus uttered himself
m
m [This speech and the
proceedings against Dr. Main-
waring have been published at
full length by Rushworth, in
his Collections, vol.i. p. 601.
As to justice in these proceed-
ings there was none ; and while
the commons thus punished
severely the indiscretion of
one sermon, where the author
had pushed his principles, good
in themselves, to indiscreet
lengths, they let pass without
censure hundreds of sermons
in which seditious principles
and far worse divinity were
inculcated ; thus verifying lord
Clarendon's observation of the
sickly humour of the times,
that men were " more troubled
" at that they called the viola-
" tion of one law, than de-
" lighted or pleased with the
" observation of all the rest of
" the charter."
But the reasons which drove
on both houses to this censure
have been more accurately de-
tailed by bishop Hacket in his
Life of Archbishop Williams :
•' When the commons," he says,
" fell roundly to sift the ex.
" acting of the loan, the ill
" will gotten by it touched
" none so near as the clergy;
" so ill was it taken that their
" pulpits had advanced it, and
" that some had preached a
" great deal of crown-divinity,
" as they called it. And they
" were not long to seek for one
" that should be made an ex-
" ample for it. But to make
" that which was like to be
by consequent less offensive,
«<
" they unanimously voted a
" gift of five subsidies, before
" the king's servants had
" spoken a word unto it. —
" Straightway they called Dr.
" Mainwaring, the king's chap-
" lain, before them, for preach-
" ing, but rather for printing,
" two sermons delivered before
" the king, the one at Oatlands,
" the other at Alderton, in the
" progress in July ; neither of
" them at St. Giles' in the
" Fields, as Mr. W. S[ander-
•• son] might have found in
" the title-page of them both.
" These being in print no wit-
" nesses needed to be deposed,
•• the doctrine was above the
" deck sufficiently discovered.
" The sermons, both preached
" upon one text, Eccl. viii. 2,
" are confessedly learned, ^v-
" tea noWa Xrya>v ervpoicriv opota,
" (Odys. xxiii.) wherein art
" and wit have gone about to
" make true principles beget
" false conclusions It was not
" well done to hazard the dan-
" gerous doctrine in them, for
" the learning sake, to the
" view of the world; for not
" the seeds of a good melon,
" but the good seeds of a
melon should be preserved to
be planted. No notice was
taken of the king's special
" command to publish these
" tractates, but severing the
author by himself he is de-
signed to be censured, as
" keepers beat whelps before
" their lions to make them
"gentler." Part ii. p. 74. Wil-
liams publicly reprehended the
<«
n
««
M
»«
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
51
«c
<<
«t
ct
" Master Speaker", I am to deliver from the sub- ad. 1628.
committee a charge against Mr. Mainwaring, a 4 *
preacher, and doctor of divinity, but a man so cri-
" minou8 that he hath turned his titles into accu-
" sations ; for the better they are the worse is he that
" hath dishonoured them. Here is a great charge
" that lies upon him ; it is great in itself, and great
because it hath many great charges in it ; serpens,
qui serpentem devoraifit draco; his charge, having
" digested many charges into it, is become a monster
" of charges. The main and great one is this : a
" plot and policy to alter and subvert the frame and
" fabric of this state and commonwealth. This is
the great one, and it hath others in it that gains
it more greatness ; for to this end he labours to
" infuse into the conscience of his majesty the per-
suasion of a power not bounding itself with laws,
which king James of famous memory calls, in his
speech in parliament, J 619, tyranny, yea, tyranny
" accompanied with perjury.
" Secondly, He endeavours to persuade the con-
u sciences of the subjects, that they are bound to
H obey illegal commands ; yea, he damns them for
" not obeying them.
"Thirdly, He robs the subjects of the propriety
*' of their goods.
** Fourthly, He brands them that will not lose
" this propriety with most scandalous and odious
«
it
«<
u
M
sermons in the upper house,
but none of the bishops thought
fit to defend them.
However, let Dr. Mainwar-
ing'8 faults have been what they
might theoretically, in practice
he was a truly excellent and
pious man. Some very pleas-
ing anecdotes are related of him
in Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 270.
See also as account of him in
Wood's Athen. ii. p. 1 141.]
n Transcribed ont of his ma-
nuscript speech. But by Rush-
worth, (Coll. i. p. 593,) attri-
buted to Rous.]
E 2
53 The Church History book x».
a. p. 1618. « titles to make them hateful both to prince and
" people, bo to set a division between the head and
" members, and between the members themselves.
44 Fifthly, To the same end (not mnch unlike
44 to Faux and his fellows) he seeks to blow up par-
" liaments and parliamentary power. These five
44 being duly viewed, will appear to be so many
" charges, and withal they make up the main and
44 great charge, A mischievous plot to alter and sub-
44 vert the frame and government of this state and
44 commonwealth. And now that you may be sure
44 that Mr. Mainwaring, though be leave us no pro-
44 priety in our goods, yet he hath an absolute pro-
" priety in his charge, andite ipsam beUuamy hear
44 Mr. Mainwaring by his own words making up his
a own charge."
Here he produced the book, particularly insisting
on pag. 19, 29, and SO, in the first sermon, pag. 3&,
46, and 48, in the second sermon. All which pas-
sages he heightened with much eloquence and acri-
mony ; thus concluding his speech, " I have shewed
" you an evil tree thai bringeth forth evil fruit, and
44 now it rests with you to determine whether the
44 following sentence shall follow, Cut it down and
44 cast it into the fire?
Theae?ere 62. Four days after the parliament proceeded to
the doctor, his censure, consisting of eight particulars, it being
ordered by the house of lords against him, as
followeth :
i. To be imprisoned during the pleasure of the
house.
ii. To be fined a thousand pounds.
iii. To make his submission at the bar in this
house, and in the house of commons, at the bar
ckkt. xvn. of Britain. 58
there, in verbis concept™ by a committee of this A- D- «*«•.
house.
iv. To be suspended from his ministerial function
three years, and in the mean time a sufficient preach-
ing man to be provided out of the profits of his
living, and this to be left to be performed by the
ecclesiastical court.
v. To be disabled for ever hereafter from preach-
ing at court.
vi. To be for ever disabled of having any eccle-
siastical dignity in the Church of England.
vii. To be uncapable of any secular office or pre-
ferment.
viii. That his books are worthy to be burned, and
his majesty to be moved that it may be so in Lon-
don, and both the universities.
But much of this censure was remitted, in con-
sideration of the performance of his humble sub-
mission at both the bars in parliament:
63. Where he appeared on the three and twen- His humbte
tieth of June following, and on his knees, before
both houses, submitted himself as fblloweth, with
outward expression of sorrow :
" I do here, in all sorrow of heart and true re-
" pentance, acknowledge those many errors and in-
" discretions which I have committed in preaching
and publishing the two sermons of mine, which
I called Religion and Allegiance, and my great
fault in falling upon this theme again, and hand-
ling the same rashly, scandalously, and unad-
visedly in my own parish church in St. Giles' in
the fields, the fourth of May last past I do hum-
bly acknowledge those three sermons to have been
full of dangerous passages, inferences, and scan-
eS
cc
it
cc
54 The Church Hut tort/ book xi.
A.D.i6a8." dalous aspersions in most part of the same. And
— " I do humbly acknowledge the just proceedings of
" this honourable house against me, and the just
" sentence and judgment passed upon me for my
great offence. And I do from the bottom of my
heart crave pardon of God, the king, and this
a honourable house, and the commonweal in general,
and those worthy persons adjudged to be reflected
upon by me in particular, for those great offences
" and errors."
How this doctor, Roger Mainwaring, (notwith-
standing the foresaid censure,) was afterwards pre-
ferred, first to the deanery of Worcester, next to
the bishopric of St. David's, God willing in due place
thereof0.
The acts of 64. On Thursday, the 26th of this month, ended
this parlia-
ment. the session of parliament, wherein little relating to
religion was concluded, save only that divers abuses on
the Lord's day were restrained: "All carriers, carters,
" waggoners, wain-men, drovers of cattle, forbidden
*• to travel thereon, on the forfeit of twenty shillings
" for every offence." Likewise, " Butchers to lose
u six shillings and eight pence for killing or selling
any victuals on that day/' A law was also made,
That whosoever goeth himself, or sendeth others
beyond the seas to be trained up in popery, &c.
" shall be disabled to sue, &c, and shall lose all
" his goods, and shall forfeit all his lands, &c. for
0 [His vindictive opponents, cerning Dr. Mainwaring, now
however, did not cease from bishop of St. David's, his ma-
persecuting him, although many jesty had given command that
years had passed away ; for the bishop should not come to
on Tuesday, April 28, 1640, a sit in parliament or give any
message was delivered to the proxy. See Nalson's Coll. ii.
lords from his majesty, that p. 336. Any remarks on his
there being some question con. sentence would be superfluous.]
it
cent. xvii. of Britain. 55
44 life.* Five entire subsidies were granted to theA.p.i6a&
king by the spirituality, and the said grant con *
finned by the act of this parliament, which now
was first; prorogued to the twentieth of October
following, and then (on some intervening obstruc-
tions) put off to the twentieth of January, when
it began again.
65. As for the convocation, concurrent, in time, Nothing
with this parliament, nothing considerable was acted oonvoca-
therein. Dr. Thomas Winniff, dean of Gloucester, t,on*
preached the Latin sermon ; his text, Acts xx. 28,
Attendite ad vos ipsos, et totum gregem> Sjc. Dr.
Curie was chosen prolocutor, and a low voice would
serve the turn where nothing was to be spoken.
66. On the twentieth of July following, Dr. Pres- Jh* d«Jth
ton died in his native county of Northamptonshire, ton.
near the place of his birth, of a consumption, and
was buried at Fauseley, Mr. Dodd preaching his
funeral sermon; an excellent preacher, of whom
Mr. Noy was wont to say, that he preached as if he
knew God's will ; a subtle disputant and great poli-
tician ; so that his foes must confess, that (if not
having too little of the dove) he had enough of the
serpent. Some will not stick to say he had large
parts of sufficient receipt to manage the broad seal
itself, which, if the condition had pleased him, was
proffered unto him, for he might have been the duke's
right hand, though at last less than his little finger
unto him ; who, despairing that this patriarch of the
presbyterian party would bring off his side unto
him, used him no longer who would not or could
not be useful unto him. Most of this doctor's post-
hume books have been happy in their education,
I mean in being well brought forth into the world,
£ 4
66 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1628. though all of them have not lighted on so good
4. Charles L 00
guardians; but his life is so largely and learnedly
written by one of his own pupils^, that nothing can
be added unto it.
?b'1rA ^' About this time George Carleton, that grave
Carieton. and godly bishop of Chichester, ended his pious life.
i6afiL] He was born at Norham % in Northumberland, where
his father was the keeper of that important castle in
the marches, an employment speaking him wise and
valiant in those dangerous and warlike days. He
was bred and brought up under Mr. Bernard Gilpin,
that apostolical man, (whose life he wrote in grati-
tude to his memory,) and retained his youthful and
poetical studies fresh in his old age. He was se-
lected by king James one of the five divines sent
over to the synod of Dort. He wrote many small
tracts, (one against sir John Heydon about judi-
cial astrology,) which conjoined would amount to
a great volume. Mr. Richard Mountague, one of a
different judgment, succeeded in his see, who at first
met with some small opposition on the following
occasion.
Mr. Mount- gg# There is a solemnity performed before the
ague s con- J r
firmation consecration of every bishop in this manner: The
OBDMfid
royal assent being passed on his election, the arch-
bishop's vicar-general proceeds to his confirmation,
commonly kept in Bow church. A process is issued
forth to call all persons to appear, to shew cause
why the elect there present should not be confirmed.
For, seeng a bishop is in a manner married to
his see, (save that hereafter he taketh his surname
P Mr. Tho. Ball, of North- Wood's Athen. i. p. 517.]
ampton. [See a further account 4 Camden Brit, in Northum-
of him and his writings in berland.
. xvii. of Britain. 57
from his wife, and not she from him,) this ceremony a. n. 1628.
is a kind of asking the banns, to see if any can- — L!L-!
allege any lawful cause to forbid them. Now at
the confirmation of Mr. Mountague, when liberty was
given to any objectors against him, one Mr. Hum-
phreys, (since a parliament colonel, lately deceased,)
and William Jones, a stationer of London, (who
alone is mentioned in the record,) excepted against
Mr. Mountague, as unfitting for the episcopal office,
chiefly on this account, because lately censured by
parliament for his book, and rendered uncapable of
all preferment in the church.
69. But exception was taken at Jones his excep- Bu* *• °p-
position in*
tions, (which the record calls prtetensos artictdos) effectual.
as defective in some legal formalities. I have been
informed, it was alleged against him for bringing in
his objections viva voce, and not by a proctor, that
court adjudging all private persons effectually dumb,
who speak not by one admitted to plead therein.
Jones returned, that he could not get any proctor,
though pressing them importunately, and proffering
them their fee, to present his exceptions, and there-
fore was necessitated ore tenus there to allege them
against Mr. Mountague. The register1" mentioneth
no particular defects in his exceptions, but Dr. Rives
(substitute at that time for the vicar-general) de-
clined to take any notice of them, and concludeth
Jones amongst the contumacious, quod nullo modo
legitime comparuit, nee aliquid in hoe parte juxta
juris exigentiam diceret, ewcipereU vel opponeret. Yet
this good Jones did bishop Mountague, that he
caused his addresses to the king to procure a par-
r Registrant Cantuar. fol. 140. in anno 1628.
58 'Hie Church History book xi.
a. d. 1618. don, which was granted unto him in form like those
1 — are> given at the coronation, save that some particu-
lars were inserted therein for the pardoning of all
errors heretofore committed, either in speaking,
writing, or printing, whereby he might hereafter be
questioned. The like at the same time was granted
to Dr. Mainwaring, on whom the rich parsonage of
Stanford Rivers, in Essex, was conferred, as void
by bishop Mountague's preferment.
Caution 70. An intention there was for the bishop and all
seasonably ,
used. the company employed at his confirmation to dine
at a tavern, but Dr. Thomas Rives utterly refused it,
rendering this reason; that he had heard that the
dining at a tavern gave all the colour to that far-
spreading and long-lasting lie of Matthew Parker
his being consecrated at the Nag's Head in Cheap-
side ; and for ought he knew captious people would
be ready to raise the like report on the same occa-
sion. It being therefore Christian caution, not only
to quench the fire of sin, but also (if possible) to
put out the smoke of scandal, they removed their
dining to another place.
Thepariia- 71. On the twentieth of January the parliament
solved. was reassembled, which died issueless (as I may say)
tl *9'^ the March following, leaving no acts (abortions are no
children) completed behind it. Let the reader who
desireth further instructions of the passages herein
consult the historians of the state. Indeed, if the
way were good and weather fair, a traveller, to please
his curiosity in seeing the country, might adventure
to ride a little out of the road; but he is none
of the wisest, who, in a tempest and miry way, will
lose time and leave his own journey. If pleasant
and generally acceptable were the transactions in this
cent, xv 1 1 . of Britain. 59
parliament, it might have tempted me to touch a a. 0.16*9.
little thereon, out of the track of my church story ; 5Chark* ■
but finding nothing but stirs and storms therein, I
will only go on fair and softly in my beaten path of
ecclesiastical affaire. Bishop Laud had no great
cause to be a mourner at the funerals of this parlia-
ment, having entered it in his diary, that it endea-
voured his destruction8.
72. At this time Richard Smith*, (distinct from Prociama-
Henry Smith, alias Lloyd, a Jesuit, whom some con- the highop
found as the same person,) being in title bishop of S< °°~
ion.
Chalcedon, in Greece, in truth, a dangerous English
priest11, acted and exercised episcopal jurisdiction
over the catholics here, by commission from the
pope, appearing in his pontificalibus in Lancashire,
with bis mitre and crosier, to the wonder of poor
people, and conferring orders and the like. This
was much offensive to the regulars, as entrenching
on their privileges, who countermined him as much
as they might. His majesty, having notice of this
Romish agent, renewed his proclamation (one of a
former date taking no effect) for his apprehension,
promising an hundred pounds to be presently paid
to him that did it, besides all the profits which
accrued to the crown, as legally due from the person
who entertained him x.
72. However, such as hid and harboured him Hefliethm
to France.
* [See Laud's Diary, p. 44, * [He was originally a stu-
and p. 238.] dent of Trin. Coll. in Oxford.
* [The best account of this See Wood, ib.]
affair, and the disputes occa- * [Dr. Bliss has reprinted
sioned by Dr. Smith's appoint- these proclamations in his edi-
ment, will be found in the Me- tion of Wood's Athen. iii. 384.
moirs of Oregorio Panzani, the The first bears date 1 ith Dec. ;
papal nuncio, by Berrington, the other the 24th of March
p. 108 and 119.] following, 1629.]
60
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A
5 Charles
p. 1629. were neither frighted with the penalty nor flattered
with the profit to discover him. But Smith, con-
ceiving his longer stay here to be dangerous, con-
veyed himself over into France, where he became
a confident of cardinal Richelieu's. The conveni-
ence and validity of his episcopal power was made
the subject of several books which were written
thereon
In opposition to him.
1. Daniel, a Jesuit \
2. Horucan.
3. Lumley.
4. Nicholas Smith a.
Injhvour of him.
1. Nicholas le Maitre, a Sorbonne
priest, in his book, entitled
De Persecutione EpUcoporum ,
et dt iUustrissimo Antistite
Chalcedonensi.
2. The faculty of Paris, which
censured all such as opposed
himx.
This Chalcedon Smith wrote a book called The
Prudential Balance, much commended by men of
his own persuasion ; and, for aught I know, is still
alive b.
The death 74. Within the compass of this year died the
terd<rfT^ reverend Toby Matthew, archbishop of York. He
Matthew. wag born jn the Somersetshire side of Bristol, and
[Mar. 29,
1 6«8.] in his childhood had a marvellous preservation, when
with a fall he brake his foot, ancle, and small of his
y [Pet. Aurelius, Opera, I.
prsef. sub init. Other authors
besides those here mentioned
engaged on both sides in this
controversy. See Panzani, ib.]
* [Daniel a Jesu, or proper-
ly, father John Floyd, an Eng-
lish Jesuit ; his book, which was
printed in 1631, is entitled:
" Apologia Sanctie Sedis Apo-
" stolicae, pro modo proceden-
" di," &c3
a [" Brevis et modesta dis-
" cussio assertionum Kellisoni,
" &c. 1 63 1." His real name
was Edward Knott, the supe-
rior of the Jesuits, Chilling-
worth's opponent. See Pan-
zani, p. 124.]
b [He died March 8, 1655.
See Wood's Athen. ii. p. 187.J
cent. xvii. of Britain. 61
leg, which were so soon recovered to eyec, use, sight, A-D- ^q-
service, that not the least mark remained thereof.
Coming to Oxford, he fixed at last in Christ Church,
and became dean thereof. He was one of a proper
person, (such people, cisteris paribus, and sometimes
cater is im paribus, were preferred by the queen,)
and an excellent preacher, Campian himself confess-
ing that he did in concionibus dominari*. He was
of a cheerful spirit, yet without any trespass on
episcopal gravity, there lying a real distinction be-
tween facetiousness and nugacity. None could con-
demn him for his pleasant wit, though often he
would condemn himself, as so habited therein he
could as well not be, as not be merry, and not take
up an innocent jest as it lay in the way of his dis-
course6.
75. One passage must not be forgotten. After His grati-
he had arrived at his greatness, he made one journey <jk>d.un
into the west to visit his two mothers; her that
bare him at Bristol, and her that bred him in learn-
ing, the university of Oxford. Coming near to the
latter, attended with a train suitable to his present
condition, he was met almost with an equal number,
who came out of Oxford to give him entertainment.
Thus augmented with another troop, and remember-
ing he had passed over a small water a poor scholar,
when first coming to the university, he kneeled down
and took up the expression of Jacob, With my staff
came I over this Jordan, and now I am become two
« Sir John Harington in his preserved some instances of it.
[Nngae Antiques, ii. p. 258.] See his Nugae Antiquae, ii.
d [See Campian's X Ratio- p. 259. See also his life in
ne», p. 70.] Wood's Athena;, i. p. 730.]
e fSir John Harington has
62
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1619 bands. I am credibly informed that, mutatis mutan-
5 Charles I. J
atsf the same was performed by his predecessor,
archbishop Hutton, at Sophister's Hill, nigh Cam-
bridgea and am so far from distrusting either, that I
believe both.
pied year. yg# jje died yearly in report, and I doubt not
but that in the apostle's sense he died daily in bis
mortifying meditations. He went over the graves
of many who looked for his archbishopric ; I will
not say they catched a cold in waiting barefoot for
a living man's shoes. His wife, the daughter of
bishop Barlow, (a confessor in queen Mary's days,)
was a prudent and a provident matron. Of this
extraction came sir Toby Matthew, having all his
father's name, many of his natural parts, few of his
moral virtues, fewer of his spiritual graces, as being
an inveterate enemy to the Protestant religion f.
f [Being a person of con-
siderable attainments, and inti-
mate with most of the wits in
that wit-loving age, (among
others, with Dr. Donne and sir
Francis Bacon,) he was taken
notice of by the duke of Buck-
ingham, and employed by him
in various capacities. He at-
tended the prince and the duke
into Spain, and managed part
of the correspondence ; (see
the Cabala and Goodman's Me-
moirs) . When the duke died,
sir Toby (who was knighted
in 1623 for his services in
Spain) attached himself to the
celebrated earl of Strafford,
whom he attended into Ireland;
but to neither party did the
intimacy prove advantageous;
Strafford especially being ex-
posed, on his account, to the
greatest suspicions of the pu-
ritanical party. He died at
Ghent in 1655, in a house be-
longing to the Jesuits, of which
fraternity he was a member.
Wood sums up his character
with great fairness : " He had
" all his fathers name and
" many of his natural parts ;
" was also one of considerable
" learning, good memory, and
" sharp wit, mixed with a plea-
" sant affability in behaviour,
" and a seeming sweetness of
" mind, though sometimes, ac-
" cording to the company he
" was in, pragmatical and a
?' little too forward." Athens,
Oxon. ii. p. 195. The charac-
ter of the celebrated lady Lucy
Carlisle, prefixed to his letters,
is one of the most favourable
specimens of his ability.
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
68
George Mountain succeeded him, scarce warm in ad. 1619.
his church before cold in his coffin, as not con- 5 —
tinuing many months therein?.
77. I humbly crave the reader's pardon for omit- The death
ting due time of the death of reverend Dr. Nicholas Feiton?P
Felton, bishop of Ely, as buried before (though
dying some days after) bishop Andrews ; and in-
deed great was the conformity betwixt them —
both being sons of seafaring menb, (who, by God's
blessing on their industry, attained comfortable
estates,) both scholars, fellows, and masters of Pem-
broke Hall, both great scholars, painful preachers
in London for many years, with no less profit to
others than credit to themselves, both successively
bishops of Ely. This bishop Felton had a sound
head and a sanctified heart, beloved of God and all
good men, very hospitable to all, and charitable to
the poor. He died the 5th of October, 1626, and
lieth buried under the communion table in St. An-
tholin's in London, whereof he had been minister
for twenty-eight years '. One (whilst a private man)
happy in his curates, (whereof two, Dr. Bowles and
Dr. Westfield, afterwards became bishops,) and (when
a bishop) no less happy in his learned and religious
chaplains.
His father, the bishop, was
intimate with the well-known
sir Thomas Fairfax, and Henry
Fairfax, the second son, was
chaplain to the archbishop. See
a very carious anecdote respect-
ing the two sons in Goodman's
Memoirs, ii. p. 269, note.]
? [He was an aged man when
he succeeded to the see ; which
happened in July, 1628; and
before the end of the year he
died. See Hacket's Life of
Williams, i. p. 168.]
h Bishop Andrews in Lon-
don, and Felton in Yarmouth.
1 Attested unto me by John
Norgate his son-in-law.
SECT, vir
TO
JOHN C A R Y%
OF STANSTED IN HERTFORDSHIRE, ESQ.
Rare is your happiness in leaving the court be/ore it left you.
Not in deserting your attendance on your master, (of whom
none more constantly observant,) but in quitting such vani-
ties which the court then in power did tender, and you, then
in prime, might have accepted. Whilst you seasonably re-
trenched yourself and reduced your soul to a holy serious-
ness, declining such expensive recreations, (on principles of
piety as well as providence,) wherewith your youth was so
much affected.
And now, sir, seeing you are so judicious in racing, give me
leave to prosecute the apostle's metaphor in applying my best
wishes to you and to your worthy lady, which hath repaired
the losses caused by loyalty, so thai you have found in a
virtuous mate what you have lost for a gracious master.
Heaven is your mark, Christ your way thither, the Word
the way to Christ, God's Spirit the guide to both. When
in this race impatience shall male you to tire, or ignorance
a [Arms. Argent, on a bend
sable three roses of the field.
Fifth baron of Hunsdon ; eldest
son of Henry Cary, fourth baron
of Hunsdon, and Judith, daugh-
ter of sir Thomas Pelham of
Laughton, in Sussex, bart. He
married Abigail, daughter of
the celebrated sir William Co-
kaine, knight, and alderman of
the city of London. Various
members of this family were
fined by the parliament for
their loyalty to king Charles;
among the rest two bearing the
same Christian name, of whom
probably this person was one.
He died in 1677, at tne age °f
68. See Clutterbuck's Herts,
ii. p. 181.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 65
to stray, or idleness to ttay, or weakness to stumble, or toil- A. D. 1619.
fulness to fall; may repentance raise you, faith quiettm you, s '
patience strengthen you, till perseverance brina you both to
the mart,
|UEEN MARY surprised with some The birth
fright, (as is generally believed,) ante-" prinoe
dated the time of her travail by some rhar'™-
weeks, and was delivered of a son b.
But a greater acceleration was endea-
voured in his baptism than what happened at his
birth, such the forwardness of the popish priests
to snatch him from the hands of those as dressed
him, had not the care of king Charles prevented
them, assigning Dr. Webbe (then waiting his month)
to christen him. He died about an hour after, the
king very patiently bearing the lose, as receiving the
first fruits of some of his subjects' estates, and as
willingly paying those of his own body to the King
of heaven.
2. The university of Oxford (Cambridge being Oxford
then heavily infected with the plague) at once in
their verses congratulated the safe birth, and con-
doled the short life of this prince; and a tetrastich,
made by one of Christ Church, (thus in making bis
address to the queen,) I must not omit.
Quod Lucina tuo* semtl estfruxlrata laborer.
Nee forttm antes prabuit ilia manvs,
Ignosca* regina: una molimine ventrig,
Non potuit prineeps ad tria regno dan.
This prince the next day after was buried by bishop
Laud in the chapel at Westminster.
b [From some fright caused by u irnstiff utliicking 11 hpaiiiel
iu the pretence- chamber.]
FULLER, VOL. VI. C
66
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A
5
.d. 1629. 3. During the sitting of the last parliament, one
Leigh ton b, a Scottish man, presented a book unto
Dr. Leigh •
ton his mil- them : had he been an Englishman we durst call
,ng him a furious, and now will term him a fiery,
(whence kindled let others guess,) writer. His book
consisted of a continued railing from the beginning
to the end ; exciting the parliament and people to
kill all the bishops, and so smite them under the
fifth rib. He bitterly inveighed against the queen,
calling her a daughter of Heth, a Canaanite and
idolatress; and "Zion's Plea" was the specious title
of his pamphlet ; for which he was sentenced, in
the Star-chamber, to be whipped and stigmatized,
to have his ears cropped and nose slit c. But be-
twixt the pronouncing and inflicting this censure,
he makes his escape into Bedfordshire.
Recovered 4# The warden of the fleet was in a bushel of
(after his
escape) and troubles about his escape, though alleging that some
punished, helped him over the wall, and that he himself knew
nothing thereof till the noon after. But no plea
seemed available for one in his place, but either the
keeping or recovering of his prisoner; unfortunate
in the former, he was happy in the latter, and
brought him back into his custody, so that the
aforesaid censure was inflicted on him d. It is re-
b [Father of the celebrated
bishop Leighton. According
to the indictment and the re-
port of his trial, in Rush worth,
Leighton was a Roman Catho-
lic. If this be true, and it
seems probable from what is
stated below, then this is an-
other instance of tracts being
circulated by the Romanists
against the church in the name
of the puritans. Hist. Coll. iii.
App. p. 29.]
c [See the proceedings a-
gainst him in the Star-chamber,
in Rush worth, ii. p. 55.]
d [" He was taken again in
" Bedfordshire, and brought
" back to the Fleet, within a
•' fortnight." Laud's Diary*
p. 45. Two persons named
Livingston and Anderson, who
changed clothes with him and
favoured his escape, were fined
CEXT. XVII.
of Britain.
67
markable, that amongst the many accusations charged * \^f7\
on archbishop Laud at his trial, the severity on
Leighton is not at all mentioned, chiefly because
(though he might be suspected active therein) his
faults were of so high a nature, none then or since
dare appear in his defence. The papists boast that
they have beyond the seas, with them, his son of
another persuasion.
5. Some three years since, certain feoffees were Feoff** to
(though not incorporated by the king's letters patent, propria!"1
or any act of parliament) legally settled in trust tlon8"
to purchase in impropriations with their own and
other well disposed persons' money, and with their
profit to set up and maintain a constant preaching
ministry in places of greatest need, where the word
was most wanting. These consisted of a number
neither too few, as the work should burthen them,
nor so many as might be a burthen to the work,
twelve in all, diversely qualified.
i William Gouge, D.D.
2 Richard Sibbs, D.D.
3 C. Offspring.
4 J. Davenport.
5 Ralph Eyre of Lincoln's Inn.
6 S. Brown of Lincoln's Inn.
7 C. Sherland of Gray's Inn.
8 JohnWhiteofMid.Temple.
9 John Geering, citizen.
10 Richard Davis, citizen.
1 1 George Harwood, citizen.
1 2 Francis Bridges, citizen.
Here were four divines to persuade men's con-
sciences, four lawyers to draw all conveyances, and
four citizens who commanded rich coffers, wanting
nothing, save (which since doth all things) some
swordmen, to defend all the rest. Besides these,
the Cape merchants, (as I may term them,) there
were other inferior factors, Mr. Foxley, &c, who
500/. apiece. See Rush worth's Hist. Coll. iii. App. p. 32, and
ii. p. 56.]
F 2
68
The Church History
BOOK XI.
Begin and
proceed
hopefully.
A. d. 1629. were employed by appointment, or of officiousness
5 " employed themselves in this design.
6. It is incredible what large sums were advanced
in a short time towards so laudable an employment.
There are indeed in England of parish churches,
nine thousand two hundred eighty-four, endowed
with glebe and tithes; but of these, (when these
feoffees entered on their work,) three thousand
eight hundred forty-five were either appropriated to
bishops, cathedrals, and colleges, or impropriated
(as lay-fees) to private persons, as formerly belong-
ing to abbeys. The redeeming and restoring of the
latter was these feoffees' design, and it was verily
believed, (if not obstructed in their endeavours,)
within fifty years, rather purchases than money would
have been wanting unto them, buying them generally
(as candle-rents) at or under twelve years' valuation.
My pen passing by them at the present may safely
salute them with a God speed, as neither seeing nor
suspecting any danger in the design e.
e [The history of these feof-
fees is described rather differ-
ently, and more completely, by
Dr. Heylin in " The Appeal,"
&c. part iii. p. 13 ; and as the
justice of his remarks is ac-
knowledged by Fuller, we shall
present them to the reader.
After observing that they were
entirely self-appointed, and only
" a secret combination of the
•' brotherhood " acting for their
own advantage, " not laying
" the impropriations by them
" purchased to the church or
' ' chapelry to which they had an-
" ciently belonged, nor settling
" them on the incumbent of
" the place, as nMUiy hoped they
" would ; " he proceeds to state
that their object "was not to
" advantage the regular and
" established clergy, but to set
" up a new body of lecturers
" in convenient places for the
" promoting of the cause. And
" therefore, having bought an
" impropriation, they parcelled
" it out into annual pensions
" of 40/. or 50/. per ann. and
14 therewith salaried some lec-
•* turers in such market towns
" where the people had com.
" monly less to do, and con-
44 sequently were more apt to
" faction and innovation than
*( in other places. Our author
" notes it of their predecessors
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
69
7. Richard Smith, titulary bishop of Chalcedon,
taking his honour from Greece, his profit from Eng-
M
•«
tt
tt
«<
tt
4><
§•
«<
<«
• t
U
««
<«
««
tt
«•
«C
««
*r
tt
«•
•«
«#
<«
U
it
M
C<
«
M
C«
«<
CI
««
#•
««
«<
<«
• (
«<
«
«
in Cartwright's days, that they
preached most diligently in
populous places; 'it being ob-
served in England, that those
who hold the helm of the
pulpit always steer people's
hearts as they please," ' ix. 1 6.
22. " And he notes it also
of these feoffees, that in con-
formity hereunto they set up a
preaching ministry in places
of greatest need, not in such
parish churches to which the
tithes properly belonged, but
where they thought the word
was most wanting to advance
their projects. 3rdly, If we
behold the men whom they
made choice of and employed
in preaching in such market
towns as they had an eye on,
either because most popu-
lous, or because capable of
electing burgesses to serve in
parliament, they were for the
most part non-conformists,
and sometimes such as had
been silenced by their ordi-
nary or the high commission
for their factious carriage.
And such a one was placed
by Geering, one of the citi-
zen feoffees, in a town of
Gloucestershire ; a fellow
who had been outed of a
lecture near Sandwich by the
archbishop of Canterbury,
out of another in Middlesex
by the bishop of London, out
of a third iu Yorkshire by
the archbishop of York, out
of a fourth in Hertfordshire
by the bishop of Lincoln,
and finally suspended from
his ministry by the high
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commission ; yet thought the
fittest man by Geering, as
indeed he was, to begin this
lecture. 4thly, and finally,
These pensions were neither
so settled, nor these lectures
so well established in their
several places, but that the
one might be withdrawn and
the other removed at the will
and pleasure of their patrons,
if they grew slack and negli-
gent in the holy cause, or
abated any thing at all of
that fire and fury they first
brought with them. Exam-
ples of which I know some
and have heard of more.
And now I would fain know
of our author whether there
be no danger to be seen or sus-
pected in this design, whether
these feoffees in short time
would not have had more chap-
lains to depend upon them
than all the bishops in the
kingdom ; and finally, whe-
ther such needy fellows de-
pending on the will and plea-
sure of their gracious mas-
ters, must not be forced to
preach such doctrines only
as best please their humors.
And though I shall say no-
thing here of their giving
underhand private pensions,
not only unto such as had
been silenced or suspended
in the ecclesiastical courts,
but many times also to their
wives and children after their
decease, all issuing from this
common stock : yet others
have beheld it as the greatest
piece of wit and artifice both
A.D. 1630.
6 Charles I.
The bishop
of Chalce-
don his epi-
scopizingin
England.
70
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1630. land, (where he bishoped it over all the Romish Ca-
6 Charles I. , r
tholics,) was now very busy in his employment ; but
when, where, and how oft he acted here, is past our
discovery, it being never known when men of his
profession come hither, till they be caught here.
Now if any demand why the pope did not entitle
him to some English rather than this Grecian bi-
shopric, (the grant of both being but of the same
price of his holiness his breath, and the confirmation
equally cheap in wax and parchment,) especially
seeing that in Ireland he had made anti-bishops
to all sees, it is easy for one (though none of his
conclave) to conjecture. For in Ireland he had in
every diocese and parish a counterpart of people for
number and quality, which he had not in England,
and therefore to entitle bishops here had but ren-
dered it the more ridiculous in the granter, and
dangerous in the accepter thereof.
Opposed g. Nicholas Smith, a regular, (and perchance a
by Nioho- «•
las Smith. Jesuit,) f much stomached the advancement and ac-
" to encourage and increase
" their emissaries which could
•• possibly be devised. If, as
" our author tells us, (. 30.
" the design was generally ap-
" proved, and that both dis-
" creet and devout men were
" doleful at the ruin of so
" pious a project, it was be-
" cause they neither did sus-
" pect the danger, nor foresee
" the mischiefs which unavoid-
'• ably must have followed, if
" not crushed in time."
See also the information laid
against these feoffees in the
exchequer, 8 Charles I., in
Rush worth, ii. p. 150. Of the
divines here mentioned Gouge
was afterwards a member of the
Assembly ; Davenport went to
New England, being too vio-
lent a puritan for this country;
White was the author of that
notorious libel against the cler-
gy, called " A Century of Ma-
" lignant Priests," &c. subse-
quently a member of parliament,
and a witness against archbishop
Laud. One of their first acts
was to appoint Baxter to a lec-
tureship in Kidderminster .]
f [Wood tells us that " Edw.
" Knott, a Jesuit, went some-
" times by the name of Nich.
" Smith; Quare?" The mat.
ter is past doubt: for in the
" Reply to M. Nic. Smith,"
cent. xvii. of Britain. 71
tivity of Richard Smith, bishop of Chalcedon, and £15.1630.
wrote bitterly against him ; the hammer of one
Smith clashing against another. He fell foul also
on Dr. Kellison, president of the college of Douay,
who lately set forth a treatise of the dignity and
necessity of bishop and secular clergy e, generally
opposing his doctrine, and particularly in relation to
the English bishops, instancing in the following
exceptions ;
9- First, a bishop over the English was useless; Alleging a
° bishop over
and might well be spared in times of persecution, English ca-
there being but two peculiar performances of a less in per-
bishopb, viz. ordination and confirmation. For the860"11011*
former it might be supplied by foreign bishops, the
priests of our English nation being generally bred
beyond the seas. As for confirmation of the chil-
dren of English catholics, he much decried the
necessity thereof, (though not so far as to un-seven
the sacraments of the church of Rome,) affirming
it out of St. Thomas of Aquin1, and other divines,
that, by commission from the pope, a priest, though
no bishop, might confirm. To this Dr. Kellison his
scholar (or himself under the vizard) replied, that in
the definition of St. Cyprian k, a church was a people
&c. p. 1 2, the following passage * [The full title of this book
occurs : •• Why should I, [Dr. is " A Reply to M. Nicholas
"Kellison; for the writer is " Smith his Discussion of Some
quoting his words,] encounter '* Points of M. Doctor Kelli-
with an adversary that dareth " son his Treatise of the Ilier-
not shew himself in the field, " archie. By a Divine. Printed
" and therefore goeth masked 1C at Douay, by the Widow of
" under another man's name; " Marke Wyon, 1630." 12°.]
■• though it is thought he walk- h [" Reply to N. Smith,"
" eth rather in a net ; the ques- &c. p. 1 6 and p. 21 sq.]
" tion who he should be being » [Summa, iii. 9 ; lxxii. art.
** not so hard to solve, as Gor. 1 1 .]
•* dins his Knotte was to bo k [Cypr. Epist. 69. als. 66.]
•• dissolved."]
F 4
<«
c«
72
The Church History
BOOK XI.
And bur-
thensome.
*<
t*
a.d. 1630. united to its bishop, and therefore an absolute neces-
6 Charles I. . .x .
sity of that function1.
10. Secondly, he was burthensome to the church,
considering the present pressures of poor English
catholics, needing now no unnecessary expenses for
the maintenance of the bishop and his agents00.
To this it was answered, that Mr. Nicholas Smith
and his brethren regulars " daily put the catholics
to for greater charges, as appeareth by the stately
houses, purchases," &c.n Indeed, generally the
little finger of a Jesuit was conceived, in his enter-
tainment, heavier than the loins of a secular. Mean-
time, in what case were our English lay catholics,
with Issachar couching down between two burthens* \
bearing the weight of both regulars and seculars?
but who need pity them who will not pity them-
selves ?
11. Thirdly, he took exceptions at the person of
this bishop of Chalcedon, as not lawfully called in
canonical criticism p. First, because not estated in
his episcopal inspection over England, during his
And this
bishop no
ordinary.
1 [According to G . Wright, in
his preface toNic. Smith's book,
Kellison gave the first offence
by his work upon the Ecclesi-
astical Hierarchy, in which he
took occasion to glance at these
proceedings in England. Pref.
p. 9. The principal offence on
the part of Kellison was doubt-
less the assertion that the secu-
lars vf ere jure divino governors
of the church and part of the
hierarchy, but the regulars
were not, being only their as-
sistants (iUorum opitulatores)
by extraordinary privilege. lb.
no
m [According to Wright,
this appointment of the bishop
of Chalcedon was vexatious
to the Romanists in another
way ; for in the search made
for him by the officers of
the government, the houses of
other Roman Catholics were
entered, and whilst the bishoo
was sought for, many of the
same persuasion were appre-
hended. Pref. p. 6.]
n " Reply to Mr. N. Smith,"
p. 1 94.
0 Gen. xlix. 14.
P [" Reply to Nic. Smith,"
&c. p. 287, sq.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 78
life, (as a bishop ought to be,) but only constituted a. p. 1630.
ad beneplacitum papa, at the pleasure of the pope ; ■
which restriction destroyeth his being a lawful ordi-
nary. Secondly, he carpeth at him as made by
delegation and commission, and therefore a delegate,
not an ordinary. To which the other replied, that
even legates have that clause in their commission,
limited to the pope's pleasure, and yet no catholic
will question them to be lawful ordinaries. As to
the second exception, the same, saith he, doth not
destroy his ordinaryship, but only sheweth he was
made an ordinary in an extraordinary manner : which
distinction, how far it will hold good in the canon
law, let those inquire who are concerned therein.
12. Notwithstanding Dr. Kellison his confutation, RegwW
the insolency of the regulars daily increased in proposition
England, so that they themselves may seem the 2? °mn"
most seculars ; so fixed were they to the wealth
and vanity of this world. The Irish regulars ex-
ceeded the English in pride, maintaining (amongst
other printed propositions) that the superiors of
regulars are more worthy than bishops themselves,
because the honour of the pastor is to be measured
from the condition of the flock, quemadmodum opilio
dignior est subtdco, as a shepherd is of more esteem
than a hoggard. In application of the first to them-
selves, the last to the seculars, it is hard to say
whether their pride was more in their own praise,
or charity less in condemning of others. It was
therefore high time for the doctors of Sorbonne, in
Paris, (who for many ages have maintained in
their college the hereditary reputation of learning,)
to take these regulars to task. Sixty of the Sor-
bonne doctors censured the aforesaid proposition,
74 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1630. and the archbishop of Paris condemned the book of
— Nicholas Smith, as also another tending to the same
subject, made by one Daniel, a Jesuit \
Querewhe- 13. On what terms the regulars and seculars stand
reconciled, in England at this day, I neither know nor list to
inquire. Probably they have learned wit from our
woes, and our late sad differences have occasioned
their reconcilement. Only I learn this distinction
from them ; the " catholics, as catholics, agree al-
" ways in matters of faith, and good catholics never
" break charity, but the best catholics, as men, may
•• vary in their opinions1"." I hope they will allow
to us what liberty they assume to themselves8.
Bishop Da- 14. Dr. John Davenant, bishop of Salisbury,
sermon at preached his course on a Sunday in Lent, at White-
oaarU hall, before the king and court, finishing a text
Rom. vi. 23, the former part whereof he had handled
the year before. In prosecution whereof it seems
he was conceived to fall on some forbidden points,
insomuch that his majesty (whether at first by his
own inclination, or others' instigation, is uncertain)
manifested much displeasure thereat. Sermon end-
ing, his adversaries at court hoped hereby to make
him fall totally and finally from the king's favour,
though missing their mark herein, as in fine it did
appear.
For which 15. Two days after he was called before the privy
vented be- council, where he presented himself on his knees,
cwnciL and so had still continued for any favour he found
q [Entitled "Apologia Sane- * " Reply to AJr.N. Smith,"
" fcc Sedis Apostolica* pro Pref. p. 20.
" modo procedendi circa regi- 8 [Berrington, in his Preface
men Cathnlicorum Angliae to Panzani's Memoirs, has
it
tempore persecutions, cum treated this subject at consi
" defensione religiosi status." derable length. See also Rush-
Rothomagi, 163 1 .] worth's Collections, ii. p. 15.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 75
from any of his own function there present. But the £. d. 1630.
6 Charles I.
temporal lords bade him arise and stand to his own
defence, being as yet only accused, not convicted.
Dr. Harsnet, archbishop of York, managed all the
business against him, (bishop Laud walking by all
the while in silence spake not one word,) making
a long oration uttered with much vehemency to this
effect :
First, He magnified king James his bounty unto
him, who, from a private master of a college in
Cambridge, (without any other immediate prefer-
ment,) advanced him by an unusual rise to the great
and rich bishopric of Salisbury.
Secondly, He extolled the piety and prudence
of king Charles in setting forth lately an useful
declaration, wherein he had commanded that many
intricate questions, tending more to distraction than
edification of people, should utterly be forborne in
preaching, and which had already produced much
peace in the church.
Thirdly, He aggravated the heinousness of the
bishop's offence, who so ill requited his majesty's
favour unto him, as to offer in his own presence,
in so great an auditory, to break his declaration,
inviting others by his example to do the like.
Fourthly, That high contempt was the lowest
term could be given to such an offence, seeing igno-
rance could in no probability be pretended in a
person of his reputed learning and eminent pro-
fession
What the other answered hereunto will best appear
by his own letter written to his worthy friend,
doctor Ward, giving him an exact account of all
proceedings herein in manner as followeth :
76 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1630. 16. *" As for my court business, though it
.* « grieved me that the established doctrine of our
Darenant " church should be distasted, yet it grieved me the
of'th^hote" 'e88» because the truth of what I delivered was
STkueTto " acknowledged even by those which thought fit to
Dr. Ward. " have me questioned for the delivery of it. Pre-
" sently after my sermon was ended, it was signified
" unto me by my lord of York, and my lord of
" Winchester, and my lord chamberlain, that his
" majesty was much displeased that I had stirred
" this question, which he had forbidden to be
" meddled withal, one way or other: my answer
" was, that I had delivered nothing but the received
" doctrine of our church established in the 17th
" Article, and that I was ready to justify the truth
" of what I had then taught. Their answer was,
" the doctrine was not gainsaid, but his highness
" had given command these questions should not
" be debated, and therefore he took it more offen-
" sively that any should be so bold, as in his own
" hearing to break his royal commands. And here
" my lord of York aggravated the offence from
" many other circumstances. My reply was only
" this : That I never understood that his majesty
" had forbid handling of any doctrine comprised in
" the Articles of our church, but only • raising of
*• new questions, or adding new sense thereunto,'
" which I had not doner nor ever should. This was
" all that passed betwixt us on Sunday night after
" my sermon. The matter thus rested, and I heard
" no more of it, till coming unto the Tuesday
" sermon, one of the clerks of the council told me,
" that I was to attend at the council-table the next
' [Original holograph, Tanner's MSS. lxxi. 39.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 77
w day at two of the clock. I told him I would wait a. d. 1630.
" upon their lordships at the hour appointed. When '
** I came thither, my lord of York made a speech
wellnigh half an hour long, aggravating the bold-
ness of my offence, and shewing many inconve-
** niences that it was likely to draw after it. And
•* he much insisted upon this, what good effect his
** majesty's declaration had wrought, how these con-
«* troversies had ever since been buried in silence,
** no man meddling with them one way or other.
** When his grace had finished his speech, I desired
" the lords, that since I was called thither as an
offender, I might not be put to answer a long
speech upon the sudden, but that my lord's grace
** would be pleased to charge me point by point,
44 and so to receive mine answer, for I did not yet
" understand wherein I had broken any command-
ment of his majesty, which my lord in his whole
discourse took for granted. Having made this
motion, I gave no further answer; and all the
" lords were silent for a while. At length my lord's
grace said I knew well enough the point which
was urged against me, namely the breach of the
king's declaration. Then I stood upon this de-
" fence ; That the doctrine of predestination which
** I taught was not forbidden by the declaration.
*• First, because in the declaration all the Articles
are established, amongst which, the Article of
predestination is one. Secondly, because all min- .
isters are urged to subscribe unto the truth of
that Article, and all subjects to continue in the
profession of that as well as of the rest. Upon
** these and such like grounds, I gathered it could
" not be esteemed amongst ' forbidden, curious, or
U
M
At
«4
78 7%e Church History book xi.
a.d. 1630. " needless doctrines.' And here I desired that out
' " of any clause in the declaration it might be shewed
" me (that keeping myself within the bounds of the
" Article) I had transgressed his majesty's command.
" But the declaration was not produced, nor any
particular words in it; only this was urged, that
the king's will was, that for the peace of the
" church these high questions should be forborne.
" My answer then was, that I was sorry I under-
" stood not his majesty's intention, which if I had
" done before, I should have made choice of some
" other matter to entreat of, which might have
given no offence; and that for the time to come
I should conform myself as readily as any other to
his majesty's commands. The earl of Arundel
seemed to approve of this my answer, and withal
" advised me to proceed no further in my defence.
" This is in substance all which was done or said in
" this matter, and so I was dismissed. The lords
" said nothing either in approbation of what I had
alleged, to shew that I had not wittingly broken
the king's known command, or in confirmation of
the contrary, urged against me by my lord's grace.
" At my departure I entreated their lordships to let
his majesty understand that I had not boldly, or
wilfully and wittingly, against his declaration,
" meddled with the forenamed point ; and that now
" understanding fully his majesty's mind, and inten-
" tion, I should humbly yield obedience thereunto.
" This business thus ended, I went the next day to
" my lord chamberlain, and intreated him to do me
" the favour that I might be brought to kiss the
king's hand before I went out of town, which his
lordship most readily promised and performed.
<4
it
cent. xvii. of Britain. 79
" When I came in, his majesty declared his resolu-A.n. 1630.
" tion that he would not have this high point "
" meddled withal or debated, either the one way or
" the other ; because it was too high for the people's
understanding, and other points which concern
" reformation and newrness of life were more needful
and profitable. I promised obedience herein, and
so kissing his majesty's hand departed. I thought
fit to acquaint you with the whole carriage of this
business, because I am afraid many false reports
will be made of it, and contrary one to another, as
men stand contrarily affected. I shewed no letter
or instructions ; neither have any, but those general
instructions, which king James gave us at our
going to Dort, which make little or nothing to
this business. I sought amongst my papers, but
" could not find them on the sudden, and I suppose
you have them already. As for my sermon, the
brief heads were these : • Eternal life is the gift
of God, through Jesus Christ our Lord V As in
the former part I had spoken of the threefold
misery of the wicked, so here I propounded the
threefold happiness of the godly to be considered.
i. Happy in the Lord whom they serve: God
u or Christ Jesus.
" ii. Happy in the reward of their service : Eternal
« life.
u iii. Happy in the manner of their reward : x«-
picrjia, or gratuitum donum in Christo.
The two fbrmer points were not excepted
against. In the third and last I considered eternal
" life in three diverse instances. In the eternal des-
" tination thereunto, which we call election. In our
* Rom. vi. 33.
u
ii
ii
M
«
it
««
ii
t«
ii
«
ii
ii
ii
ii
ii
ii
ii
ti
€i
U
€€
80 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1630." conversion, regeneration, or justification, which I
" " termed the embryo of eternal life. (John iv. 14.)
" And last of all in our coronation, when full pos-
" session of eternal life is given us. In all these I
" shewed it to be xaV>l(r^a» or *he ^ree S^ °^ God,
through Christ, and not procured or promerited, by
any special good acts depending upon the free will
of men. The last point, wherein I opposed the
popish doctrine of merit, was not disliked. The
second, wherein I shewed that effectual vocation
or regeneration (whereby we have eternal life
inchoated and begun in us) is a free gift, was not
expressly taxed. Only the first was it which bred
the offence; not in regard of the doctrine itself,
but because (as my lord's grace said) the king had
prohibited the debating thereof. And thus having
let you understand the carriage of this business I
commit you to the protection of the Almighty,
" And rest always
" Your very loving friend,
" Jo. Sarum."
The death 17. This year Thomas Dove, bishop of Peter-
Dore. ^ borough, ended his life. He was bred in Pembroke
hall in Cambridge: chosen tanquam therein, which
it seems is a fellow in all things save the name
thereof. Afterwards chaplain to queen Elizabeth,
who made him dean of Norwich, being much
affected with his preaching, as wont to say that
" the Holy Ghost was again descended in this
" Dove u." He was a constant housekeeper and
reliever of the poor, so that such who in his life-
11 Godwin De Presul. Angl. p. 559, and sir John Haringtou
in his Nugae Antiq. ii. p. 209.
«<
a
a
U
<i
4<
ii
4<
U
ii
ii
ii
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
81
time condemned him for covetousness, have since a. d. 163 1.
justly praised his hospitality. Now though doves- '
are generally said to want gall, yet the noncon-
formists in his diocese will complain of his severity
in asserting ecclesiastical discipline, when he silenced
five of them in one morning, on the same token that
king James is said to say " it might have served for
44 five years." He was an aged man, being the only
queen Elizabeth's bishop of that province which died
in the reign of king Charles, living in a poor
bishopric, and leaving a plentiful estate; to shew
that it is not the moisture of the place, but the
long lying of the stone, which gathereth the great
moss therein. In a word, had he been more careful
in conferring of orders (too commonly bestowed by
him) few of his order had exceeded him for the
unblamableness of his behaviour x.
18. Now began great discontents to grow up in Trouble
the university of Oxford on this occasion. Manyo§br<i?
conceived that innovations (defended by others for
renovations, and now only reduced, as used in the
* [Mr. Gunton sap that the
queen had so good an esteem
for him on account of his ex-
cellency in preaching, reverend
aspect and deportment, that
she was wont to call him the
Dove with silver wings. He
was consecrated bishop of Pe-
terborough April 26, 1 60 1.
Mr. Isaackson in his Life of
Bishop Andrews says, that as
soon as Dove was B. A., and
so capable of a fellowship in
Pembroke hall, there being
then but one place void in the
college, and Dove being one of
FULLER, VOL. VI.
its scholars and well approved
by many of the society, the
warden and fellows put him
and Andrews to a trial before
them by some scholastical
exercises, upon performance
whereof they preferred sir An-
drews, though they liked sir
Dove so well also, that being
loth to lose him, they made
him some allowance for his
present maintenance, under the
title of a tanquam socius. See
Gunton'B Hist, of Peterb. p.
8i. Wood's Athen. I. 697.]
G
88
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1631. primitive times) were multiplied in divine service.
— ?L!!!Ll Offended whereat, they in their sermons brake out
into (what was interpreted) bitter invectives. Yea
their very texts gave some offence, one preaching
on Numbers xiv. 4, Let us make us a captain, and let
us return into Egypt. Another on 1 Kings xiii. 2,
And he cried against tlie altar in the word of the
Lord, and said, 0 altar, altar, &c. In prosecution
whereof they had not only tart reflection on some
eminent persons in the church, but also were appre-
hended to violate the king's declaration for the
sopiting of all Arminian controversies.
An appeal 19. Dr. Smith, warden of Wadham, con vented the
vice-chan- principal persons, (viz. Mr. Thorn of Balliol College,
J^HS^and Mr. Ford of Magdalen Hall,) as offenders against
the king's instructions, and ordered them to bring
in the copies of their sermons. They, suspecting
partiality in the vice-chancellor, appealed from him
to the proctors, two men of eminent integrity and
ability, Mr. Atherton Bruch, and Mr. John Doughty,
who received their appeal, presuming the same jus-
tifiable by the Statutes of tbe university. But it
seems the proctors were better scholars than lawyers,
except any will say both law and learning must
submit, when power is pleased to interpose v.
7 [The vice-chancellor ap-
pealed to the king, according
to the Statutes. See Laud's
Diary, p. 46. Rushworth,
though not inclined to favour
the authorities of the univer-
sity, with much more fairness
implies that these proceedings
on the part of the proctors
were illegal and unwarrant-
able : " The chief ringleaders/'
he says, •• were the said Mr.
" Ford and Mr. Thorn. And
" the proctors, Mr. Bruch and
" Mr. Doughty, received their
" appeals, as if it had not been
" perturbatio pads. The vice-
" chancellor was forced in a
" statutable way to appeal to
" the king, who with all the
CENT* XVII.
of Britain.
88
20. Archbishop Laud did not like these retrograde a. d. 163 r.
appeals, but sensible that his own strength moved — '
SfiVPfluV
rather ascendendo than descendendo, procured the punished,
cause to be heard before the king at Woodstock,
where it was so ordered, that *,
i. The preachers complained of were expelled the
university.
ii. The proctors were deprived of their places for
accepting their appeal.
iii. Dr. Prideaux and Dr. Wilkinson were shrewdly
checked for engaging in their behalf.
The former of these two doctors ingenuously con-
fessing to the king, Nemo mortalium omnibus horis
sapit, wrought more on his majesty's affections, than
if he had harangued it with a long oration in bis
own defence.
21. The expulsion of these preachers expelled And m
not, but increased the differences in Oxford, which Pe8Cn
burnt the more for blazing the less, many com-
plaining that the sword of justice did not cut indif-
ferently on both sides, but that it was more penal
for some to touch than others to break the king's
declaration.
22. This year ended the days of Mr. Arthur Hil- The death
dershama, born at Stitchworth in the county, bred demham. "
in Christ College in the university of Cambridge,
whose education was an experimental comment on
€€
€*
" lords of the council then
" present, heard the cause at
Woodstock. Aug. 23, 1631,
being Tuesday in the after-
'* noon." Rushworth, ii. 1 10.]
» [Hodges on his submission
seems to have been restored:
Ford refused " to make any
" address to be restored ;" ex.
pecting to be chosen lecturer
in Plymouth, but the trustees
of the place " were required
" not to choose him upon pain
" of his majesty's displeasure."
Rushworth, ib.]
a [See the Life of Hilder-
sham in Clark's Martyrology,
App. p. 1 14.]
84 The Church History book xi.
A.d. 163 1. the word 8 of David, When my father and mother
forsake me, then the Lord taketh me up b.
My father — Thomas Hildersham, a gentleman of an
ancient family.
And mother — Anne Pole, daughter to sir Jeffery,
niece to cardinal Pole, grandchild to sir Richard
Pole, and Margaret countess of Salisbury, who
was daughter to George duke of Clarence.
Forsake me, — quite casting him off, because he
would not be bred a papist and go to Rome.
Then — an emphatical monosyllable, just in that nick
of time.
The Lord taketh me up — not immediately (miracles
being ceased), but in and by the hands of Henry
earl of Huntingdon0 (his honourable kinsman)
providing plentiful maintenance for him.
Often si- 23. However, after he was entered in the min-
rortored? i8try, he met with many molestations, as hereby doth
appear.
i. Silenced by the high commission, 1590, in June.
ii bishop Chaderton, 1605, April 24.
iii bishop Neile, 1611, in November.
i v the court at Leicest. 1 630, March 25.
i. Restored by the high commission, 1591, in January.
ii bishop Barlow, 1608, in January.
iii Dr. Ridley d, 1625, June 20.
iv the same court, 1631, August 2.
And now methinks I hear the Spirit speaking unto
him, as once to the prophet Ezekielc, Thou shalt
speak and be no more dumb, singing now with the
t> Psalm xxvii. i o. d Vicar gen. to archbishop Abbot.
c [Henry Hastings.] • Ezek. xxiv. 27.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 85
celestial quire of saints and angels. Indeed, though a. d. 1631.
himself a nonconformist, he loved all honest men, I ** .
were they of a different judgment, minded like
Luther herein, who gave for his motto, In quo ali-
quid Christi video, ilium diligo.
24. He was minister of Ashby de la Zouch forty His kmg
and three years. This putteth me in mind of Tbeo- duoiiT*'
dosius and of Valentinian, (two worthy Christian preftching-
emperors,) their constitutions making those readers
of the civil law counts of the first order, cum ad
mginti anno* observatione jugi, ac sedido docendi
labore pervenerint f, " when with daily observation
and diligent labour of teaching they shall arrive at
twenty years." Surely the readers of God's law
which double that time shall not lose their reward.
25. The same year died Robert Bolton, born in The death
Lancashire, bred in Brasennose College in Oxford,0 "*
beneficed at Broughton in Northamptonshire. An
authoritative preacher, who majestically became the
pulpit, and whose life is exactly written at large *,
to which I refer such as desire further satisfaction h.
And here may the reader be pleased to take notice,
that henceforward we shall on just grounds forbear
the description of such divines as yearly deceased.
To say nothing of them save the dates of their
deaths, will add little to the reader's information, to
say much in praise or dispraise of them (wherein
their relations are so nearly concerned) may add too
' C. Theod. lib. 6. tit. 21. " Assize-sermons, and Notes on
£ By my good friend Mr. " Justice Nicolls his funeral.
Bagshaw. " Together with the Life and
k [See " Mr. Bolton's last " Death of the Author. Pub-
" and learned work of the four " lished by £. B. &c." Lond
** last things, Death, Judgment, 1639. 40. 4th ed.]
" Hell, and Heaven. With his
G3
86 7%i Church History book xi.
a. d. 163a. much to the writer's danger. Except therefore they
8 Charles I., . ? . . . r . .
be persons so eminent for their learning, or active
for their lives, as their omission may make a maim
in our history, we shall pass them over in silence
hereafter.
,-mpP2£*a- 26. Archbishop Laud began to look with a jealous
questioned, eye on the feoffees for impropriations, as who in
process of time would prove a thorn in the sides of
episcopacy, and by their purchases become the prime
patrons for number and greatness of benefices. This
would multiply their dependants, and give a secret
growth to nonconformity. Whereupon by the arch-
bishop's procurement a bill was exhibited in the ex-
chequer chamber, by Mr. Noy the attorney general,
against the feoffees aforesaid, and that great lawyer
endeavoured to overthrow (as one termed it) their
apocrypha incorporation.
Tbdr first 27. It was charged against them, first, that they
diverted the charity, wherewith they were intrusted,
to other uses1, when erecting a lecture every morning
at St. Antholine's in London k. What was this but
lighting candles to the sun, London being already
the land of Goshen, and none of those dark and far
distant corners, where souls were ready to famish
for lack of the food of the word ? What was this but
a bold breach of their trust, even in the eye of the
kingdom ?
Andanswer 28. They answered that London being the chief
staple of charity, and the place where the principal
contributors to so pious a work did reside, it was
but fit that it should share in the benefit of their
* Being by their feoffment k [The stronghold of Puri-
to erect them where preaching tnnism.]
was wanting.
CENT. XVII.
of Britons
87
bounty. That they were not so confined to the uses a. d. 1632.
in their feoffment, but that in their choice they "
might reflect as well on the eminency as necessity
of the place ; that they expended much of their own
(as well as other men's) money, and good reason
they should do therewith as they pleased.
29. It was pressed against them, that they gene- a Moond
rally preferred nonconformists to the lectures ofagwrt
their erection. To this it was answered, that nonethem#
were placed therein but such whose sufficiency and
conformity were first examined and approved by the
ordinary to be to such a degree as the law re-
quired. Yea it is said that Mr. White, one of the
feoffees, privately proffered bishop Laud at his house
in Fulham, that if he disliked either the persons
who managed, or order which they took in this
work, tbey would willingly submit the alteration to
his lordship's discretion.
30. In conclusion the court condemned their They are
proceedings, as dangerous to the church and state, thrown.
pronouncing the gifts, feoffments, and contrivances
made to the uses aforesaid to be illegal, and so dis-
solved the same, confiscating their money unto the
king's use. Their criminal part was referred to, but
never prosecuted in, the Star-chamber, because the
design was generally approved, and both discreet and
devout men were (as desirous of the regulation, so)
doleful at the ruin of so pious a project K
1 [The appointment of feof-
fees had been one of the pro-
jects of abp. Laud ; when St.
Paul's was completely repaired,
it was his intention " to move
" his majesty for the like grant
" from the high commission
44 for the bringing in of impro-
" priations." (Diary, p. 69.)
But these feoffees, as may be
seen by the list of those who
were the chief managers, (some
of whom were afterwards lead-
ing members of the Assembly
64
88
The Church HUtory
BOOK XI.
a. i). 163a. SI. Samuel Harsnet about this time ended his
- life, born in Colchester, bred scholar, fellow, master
Th« death
of arch- of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, afterwards bishop
Hanmet. °f Chichester and Norwich, archbishop of York, and
privy councillor. He was a zealous asserter of cere-
monies, using to complain of (the first I believe who
used the expression) conformable puritans, who
practised it out of policy, yet dissented from it in
their judgments. He lieth buried in Chigwell church
in Essex, (where he built a school,) with this epitaph,
Indignus episcopus Cicestrensis, indignior Norvicensis,
et indignissimus archiepiscopus Eboracensis m.
32. Now the Sabbatarian controversy began to be
revived, which brake forth into a long and hot con-
tention. Theophilus Bradborn D, a minister of Suf-
Bradbom
his erro-
neous
opinion.
of Divines), were, as Laud
truly states of them, " main
" instruments for the puritan
" faction to undo the church"
(lb. p. 47.) ; and the erection
of a daily lecture at S. Antho-
line's, always noted as a fa-
vourite place of resort for the
party, as it was contrary to the
principles of their incorporation,
so does it afford a presumptive
proof of their intentions to ad-
vance puritan principles.]
m [Composed by himself.
See Godwin, Praesul. p. 713.]
n [" An old and zealous pu-
" ritan, named Theophilus Bra-
" bourne, an obscure school-
" master, or, as some say, a
" minister of Suffolk, was very
" stiff for a Sabbath, in his
" books published 1628 and
"31, and endeavoured to take
" off all objections that might
" be said against one; yet by
" maintaining the indispensable
" morality of the fourth com-
" mandment, and consequently
" the necessary observation of
" the Jewish sabbath, did in-
" cline several of his readers to
" Judaism. Thomas Broad,
" who was esteemed an anti-
" Sabbatarian, did write almost
" to the same effect that Brere-
" wood did, though Brer e wood 8
" first book did dissent from his
'* opiuions in those points, op-
" posed by George Abbot in his
" Vindxcict Sabbat hi, wherein
'* are also surveyed all the rest
" that then had lately written
" on that subject concerning
" the Sabbath : viz. Francis
" White bishop of Ely, Pet.
" Heylyn, D. D., and Christo-
*' pher Dowe, whose several
" treatises on the said subject
" he calls anti- Sabbatarian."
Wood's Athen. i. 391. Of
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
89
folk, sounded the first trumpet to this fight, who a. d. 1633.
some five years since, namely anno 1628, set forth ft8Charlc,L
book, dedicated to his majesty, entitled, " A defence
<f
«
this man Dr. White gives the
following account in the pre-
face to his book on the Sabbath.
" A certain minister of Nor-
" folk, where I myself of late
" years was bishop, published
" a tractate of the Sabbath ;
" and proceeding after the rule
" of presbyterian principles,
" among which, this was prin-
" cipal : That all religious 06-
" serrations and actions, and
" among the restt the ordaining
" and keeping of holy days,
" must have a special warrant
" and commandment in holy
" scripture, otherwise the same
is superstitious : concluded
from thence, by necessary in-
** ference, that the seventh day
•• of every week, to wit, Satur-
day, having an express com.
mand in the Decalogue, by a
precept simply and perpetu-
ally moral, (as the Sabbata-
rians teach,) and the Sunday,
or the Lord's day, being not
** commanded, either in the
44 Law or in the Gospel, the
" Saturday must be the Christ-
44 tans weekly sabbath, and the
" Sunday ought to be a work'
" i*g day.
'* This man was exceeding
*' confident in his way, and de-
" lied his puritan adversaries,
" and loaded them with much
" disgrace and contempt. Be-
" aides, he dedicates his book
*4 to the king's majesty him.
" self; he implores his princely
" aid to set up his old new
" sabbath; he admonisheth the
€(
€€
4€
*4
<«
4* reverend bishops of the king-
" dom, and the temporal state
•• likewise, to restore the fourth
44 commandment of the Deca-
" logue to his ancient posses-
44 sion ; and professeth that he
44 would rather suffer martyr-
" dom than betray such a
" worthy cause, so firmly sup-
44 ported by the common prin-
" ciples of all our new men,
** who have in preaching or
" writing treated of the Sabbath.
" But while he was in this
" heat, crying in all places
•• where he came, Victoria, vie-
" toria, he chanced to light
" upon an unkind accident :
" which was to be con vented
44 and called to an account
" before your grace" (that is,
the archbishop) " and the
" honourable court of high
44 commission.
M At his appearance your
44 grace did not confute him
" with fire and fagot, with
•• halter, axe, and scourging,
(as a certain Hotspur, a libel-
ling disciple of Thomas Cart-
wright's, traduceth the judges
*' of that honourable court,) but
" according to the usual pro-
44 ceedings of your grace and
44 of that court with delinquents,
•• which are overtaken with
" error, in simplicity, there
" was yielded unto him a deli-
berate, patient, and full hear-
ing, together with a satis-
" factory answer to all his main
44 objections.
44 The man perceiving that
«
•«
(€
it
«
90
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1631. " of the most ancient and sacred ordinance of God,
1 " The Sabbath day :" maintaining therein,
i. The fourth commandment simply and entirely
moral.
ii. Christians, as well as Jews, obliged to the ever-
lasting observation of that day.
iii. That the Lord's day is an ordinary working
day, it being will-worship and superstition to make
it a sabbath by virtue of the fourth commandment.
But whilst Mr. Bradbora was marching furiously,
and crying victoria to himself, he fell into the ambush
of the high commission, whose well tempered severity
herein so prevailed upon him, that, submitting him-
self to a private conference, and perceiving the un-
soundness of his own principles, he became a con-
vert, conforming himself quietly to the Church of
England.
Habbata- 38. Francis White, bishop (formerly of Norwich)
then of Ely, was employed by his majesty to confute
Mr. Bradborn his erroneous opinion. In the writing
whereof some expressions fell from his pen, whereat
many strict people (but far enough from Bradborn's
conceit) took great distaste. Hereupon books begat
nan contro-
versies re-
vived.
" the principles which the sab-
*• batarian dogmatists had lent
" him were not orthodoxal, and
" that all which were present
" at the hearing (of which
" number there were some
" honourable lords of his ma-
" jesty's privy council, and
" many other persons of qua-
" lity) had approved the con-
" futation of his error ; the
" man began to suspect that
" the holy brethren, who had
44 lent him his principles, and
" yet persecuted his conclusion,
" might |>erhaps be deceived in
" the first, as he had been in
" the latter. And therefore
" laying aside his former con-
" tidence, he submitted him-
" self to a private conference,
" which by God's blessing so
" far prevailed with liim, that
44 he became a convert, and
" freely submitted himself to
44 the orthodoxal discipline of
" the Church of England."]
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
91
books, and controversies on this subject were inulti-A.D. 163a.
plied, reducible to five principal heads. — I
i. What is the fittest name to signify the day set
apart for God's public service ?
ii. When that day is to begin and end ?
iii. Upon what authority the keeping thereof is
bottomed ?
iv. Whether or no the day is alterable ?
v. Whether any recreations, and what kinds of
them, be lawful on that day ° ?
And they are distinguishable into three several
opinions :
0 [Upon these controversial
writings Heylyn makes the fol-
lowing observations. " The ar-
" gumentative and scholastical
" part was referred to the right
" learned Dr. White, then bi-
" shop of El y, who had given
" good proof of his ability in
" polemical matters in several
" books and disputations against
" the papists. The practical
** and historical, by Heylyn of
" Westminster, who had gained
" some reputation for his 8tu-
" dies in the ancient writers by
" asserting the history of St.
*' George, maliciously impugn.
" ed by those of the Calvinian
" party upon all occasions.
" Both of them being enjoined
" their tasks, were required to
" be ready for the press against
" Michaelmas term ; at the end
" whereof both books came
out : the bishop's under the
title of, A Treatise of the Sab-
" bath Day, containing a Defence
*' of the orthodox a I Doctrine of
ii
ti
<*
«<
•* the Church of England against
•• Sabbatarian Novelty. The
" other, called the History of
" the Sabbath, was divided into
" two books or parts ; the first
44 whereof began with the crea-
" tion of the world, and carried
" on the story till the destruc-
tion of the temple. The
second beginning with our
" Saviour Christ and his apo-
" sties, was drawn down to the
" year 1633, when the publish-
" ing of this declaration was
" required. The bishop's book
" had not been extant any long
" time, when an answer was
" returned unto it by Byfield
" of Surrey, which answer occa-
" sioned a reply, and that reply
" begat a rejoinder. To Hey-
" lyn's book there was no
" answer made at all." Life of
Abp. Laud, p. 296. This trea-
tise of Dr. Heylyn's was re-
printed in the collection of his
miscellaneous works, p. 316.]
92
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A. D.i 639.
8 Charles 1.
Sabbatarians.
1.
Are charged to af-
fect the word Sab-
bath as a shibboleth
in their writing,
preaching, and dis-
counting, to distin-
guish the true Israel-
ites from lisping
Ephraimites, as a
badge of more [pre-
tended] purity. As
for Sunday, some
would not have it
mentioned in Christ-
ian mouths, as re-
senting of Saxon ido-
latry, so called from,
and dedicated to the
sun, which they
adored.
Moderate men.
2.
Some make the
Sabbath to begin en
Saturday night, (the
evening and the
morning were the
first day,) and others
on the next day in
the morning, both
agreeing on the ex-
tent thereof for four
and twenty hours.
3-
They found it part-
ly on the law and
light of nature, de-
riving some coun-
tenances for the sep-
tenary number out
of heathen authors :
and partly on the
fourth command-
ment, which they
avouch equally moral
with the rest.
1.
Sabbath (especially if Christian be
premised) may inoffensively be used, as
importing in the original only a rest.
And it is strange that some who have a
dearness, yea fondness, for some words
of Jewish extraction (altar, temple, &c.)
should have such an antipathy against
the Sabbath. Sunday may not only safely
be used without danger of paganism, but
with increase of piety, if retaining the
name, we alter the notion, and therewith
the notion thereof, because on that day
the Sun of Righteousness did arise with
healing in his wings P. But the most
proper name is the Lord's day, as ancient,
used in the apostles' time 4; and most
expressive, l»eing both an historian, and
preacher. For the Lord's day, looking
liackward, mindeth us what the Ix>rd did
for us thereon, rising from the dead:
and, looking forward, it monisheth us
what we ought to do for him on the
same, spending it to his glory, in the
proper duties thereof.
2.
The question is not of so great con-
cernment. For, in all circular motions,
it matters not so much where one begin -
neth, so be it he continueth the same,
until he return unto that point again.
Either of the aforesaid computations of
the day may be embraced.
Diesque quiesque redibit in orbem.
In the Lord's day three things are
considerable: 1. A day, founded on the
light of nature; pure impure pagans
destining whole days to their idolatrous
service. 2. One day in seven, grounded
on the moral equity of the fourth com-
mandment, which is like the feet and
toes of Nebuchadnezzar's imager, part of
potter's clay, and part of iron. The clay
part, and ceremonial moiety of that com-
mandment (viz. that seventh day, or
Jewish Sabbath) is mouldered away, and
buried in Christ's grave. The iron part
thereof, viz. a mixture of morality there-
in, one day in seven, is perpetual and
everlasting. 3. This seventh day (being
indeed the eighth from the creation, but
one of the seven in the week) is built on
divine right in a larger sense, having an
analogy in the Old, and insinuations in
the New Testament, with the continued
practice of the church.
Anti-sabbatariam.
1.
The word Sabbath
(as now used) con-
taineth therein a se-
cret magazine of Ju-
daism, as if the af-
fecters thereof by
spiritual necromancy
endeavoured the re-
viving of dead and
rotten Mosaical cere-
monies.
2.
They confine the
observation of the
day only to the few
hours of public ser-
vice.
These unhinge the
day off from any
divine right, and
hang it merely on
ecclesiastical author-
ity first introducing
it, as custom and
consent of the church
had since established
it
P Mai. iv. 2.
q Revel, i. 10
r Dan. ii. 41.
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
98
»
The church, no not
ex piemtmthu tu*
potnimhs, may, or
cut, alter the tame.
5-
N«> exercises at all
(walking excepted,
with which strictness
itself cannot lie of-
fended) are lawful
no this day. Inso-
much as some of
them hare been ac-
cused of turning the
day of rest into the
day «f torture and
•elf -maceration .
Moderate men.
Would be right glad of the general
agreement of the Christian church ; but,
withal, right sorry that the same should
be abused for the alteration of the Ix>rd's
day. But, as there is but little hope of
the former, so is there no fear of the
latter, it being utterly (inexpedient to at-
tempt the altering thereof.
Anti+abbatarian*. Aj>. i6u.
The universal con-
sent of the Christian
church may alter it.
Yea, one saith «, that
the church of Geneva
went about to trans-
late it to Thursday,
but, it seems, it was
carried in the nega-
tive.
5-
Mixed dancings,
masques, interludes,
revels, &c are by
them permitted in
the intervals be-
twixt, but generally
after evening service
ended.
\
The Sabliath (in some sort) was lord
(yea, tyrant) over the Jews ; and they by
their superstition contented vassals under
it. Christ was Lord of the Sabbath t,
and struck out the teeth thereof. Indeed
such recreations as are unlawful on any
day, are most unlawful on that day;
yea, recreations doubtful on other days,
are to be forliorne on that day, on the
suspicion of unlawfulness. So are all
those, which, by their over violence, put
people past a praying capacity. Add also
those, which, though acted after evening
service, must needs be preacted by the
fancy (such the volatility thereof) all the
day twfore, distracting the mind, though
the body lie at church. These recrea-
tions forbidden, other innocent ones may
be permitted.
A worthy doctor™, who in his sermons at the temple
no less piously than learnedly handled the point of
the Lord's day, worthily pressed, that gentlefolk
were obliged to a stricter observation of the Lord's
day than labouring people. The whole have no need
of the physician, but those who are sick. Such as
are not annihilated with labour have no title to be
recreated with liberty. Let servants, whose hands
are ever working whilst their eyes are waking; let
such who all the foregoing week have their cheeks
moistened with sweat and hands hardened with la-
bour; let such have some recreation on the Lord's
* [Dr. John] Pocklington in
his "Sunday no Sabbath/' p. 9.
[A sermon preached and printed
in the year 1636.]
t Matth. xii. 8.
a Dr. Paul Micklethwaite.
94
The Church Htetory
BOOK XI.
Ach' kf l ^ay indulged unto them : whilst persons of quality,
who may be said to keep sabbath all the week long,
I mean, who rest from hard labour, are concerned
in conscience to observe the Lord's day with the
greater abstinence from recreations*.
* [Of all the multitudinous
writings on this fiercely dis-
puted subject, Dr. White's
work, entitled " A Treatise of
" the Sabbath Day, containing
" a Defence of the orthodoxal
" Doctrine of the Church of
" England against Sabbatarian
** Novelty," is by far the most
learned, as it is the most im-
portant. This work, which was
dedicated to Laud, archbishop
of Canterbury, and was under-
taken by his desire and direc-
tion, may be considered as a fair
exposition of their sentiments,
who were undoubtedly the most
learned and most catholic por-
tion of the Church of England.
Like various other questions
disputed during these times,
this was no more than the
legitimate fruit of that prin-
ciple, so strenuously advocated
by the opponents of church
authority, that scripture alone,
or rather every man's private
interpretation of it, is the only
warrant for any observances
whether civil or ecclesiastical.
Undervaluing all human learn-
ing, and rejecting from the first
the testimony and tradition of
the church ; private judgment
became their only standard by
which they could test the truth,
and all things stood or fell ac-
cordingly as they were found to
tally with it. The same test
which required the Jewish
observance of the Sabbath, in
aftertimes rejected infant bap-
tism and set open the door to
heresy in all its shapes ; the
same private judgment which
exaggerated the holiness of the
Sunday, and would have bound
it on the necks of Christians
with an iron yoke, soon set men
above it altogether. The Jew-
ish observance of the Sunday
became the touchstone of a
man's election ; " To do any ser-
" vile work or business on the
•• Lord's day, (says one of
" them,) is as great a sin as to
" kill a man or commit adul-
" tery ;" — " to make a feast on
*' the Lord's day (says another)
" is as great a sin as for a fa-
" ther to take a knife and cut
" his child's throat," (Heylyn's
Tracts, p. 490) ; so hard is it
for men who forsake the truth
in one point to keep it in an-
other : or even when advocat-
ing that which is good and
excellent in itself, if dislo-
cated from that body of the
truth once delivered to the
saints, to avoid distorting its
proportions and robbing it of
its true life and spirituality.
Thus these men in defending
the perpetual morality of the
fourth commandment, lost sight
of those objects for which that
commandment was given ;
taught men to dislike and hate
the services of the church, the
administration of her sacra-
ments, the ordination of her
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
95
84. Pass we now from the pen to the practical a. d. 163.1.
r * 9 Charl» I.
part of the Sabbatarian difference. Somersetshire
was the stage whereon the first and fiercest scene b^hT
thereof was acted. Here wakes (much different, I jj^1"**"
dare say, from the watching prescribed by our Sa-
viour) were kept on the Lord's day, with church-
ales, bid-ales, and clerks-ales. If the reader know
not the critical meaning and difference of these
words, I list not to be the interpreter ; and his igno-
rance herein neither is any disgrace nor can be any
damage unto him. The gentry of that county, per-
ceiving such revels the cause of many and occasion
of moe misdemeanours, (many acts of wantonness
bearing their dates from such meetings,) importuned
ar Thomas Richardson T, lord chief justice, and baron
ministers ; quenched the devo-
tion of the people towards
God's service by persuading
them that it was profane and
superstitious; and outwardly,
most earnest in demanding obe-
dience to the letter of God's
word, became, in fact, its great,
est transgressors, the most dis-
obedient to its spirit.
" Such (says even our own
" author) who at the time of
" the Sabbatarian controversy
" were the strictest observers
" of the Lord's day, are now
" reeled by their violence into
"another extreme, to be the
" greatest neglect era, yea, con-
M temners thereof. These tran-
" scendenta, accounting them-
" selves mounted above the
" predicament of common piety,
M aver they need not keep any,
" because they keep all days
" Lord's days in their elevated
" holiness," &c. §. 44-]
7 [This was " that jeering
•• judge," (of whom Evelyn
speaks in his diary) who " un-
" justly and spitefully molest-
•' ed" Evelyn's father, a man
universally esteemed by all who
knew him. Evelyn's Diary, ii.
10. So also G. Garrard, in a
letter to lord Strafforde, speak-
ing of the death of this judge
and of sir Robert de Grice who
died at the same time, observes,
that both of them were " little
" missed in the commonwealth.
" Never ( he continues) sat there
" a judge in that court that was
" less respected. He desired
" to be buried in Westminster,
" and was so poorly and mean-
" ly attended only with hack-
" ney coaches, and scarce a
" jua*ge> or any of his own pro-
" fession, to attend him to his
" grave ; yet he hath left be-
" hind him an estate better
M than three thousand pounds
96 The Church History book xi.
a. i>. 1633. Denham, then judges, riding the western circuit in
9 Charles I. __ . , , - ,
the lent vacation, to make a severe order for the
suppressing of all ales and revels on the Lord's day.
judge ri- 35. In compliance with their desire, the afore-
order ™* s&id judges made an order on the 19th day of March,
KrdWay (founded on former precedents signed by judge Pop-
revel8- ham, lord chief justice in the latter end of queen
Elizabeth her reign,) therein suppressing such revels,
in regard of the infinite number of inconveniences
daily arising by means thereof, enjoining the con-
stables to deliver a copy thereof to the minister
of every parish, who, on the first Sunday in Feb-
ruary, and likewise the two first Sundays before
Easter, was to publish the same every year.
Which he 86. The archbishop of Canterbury beheld this as
would not . _ . . . . , ,. .
revoke, an usurpation on ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and com-
plained of the judges to his majesty, procuring a
commission to bishop Pierce and other divines to
inquire into the manner of publishing this order,
and the chief justice bis carriage in this business.
Notwithstanding all which, the next assize judge
Richardson gave another strict charge against these
revels, required an account of the publication and
execution of the aforesaid order, punishing some
persons for the breach thereof. After whose return
from London, the archbishop sent for him, and com-
manded him to revoke his former order as he would
answer the contrary at his peril, telling him it was his
majesty's pleasure he should reverse it. The judge
alleged it done at the request of the justices of the
peace in the county, with the general consent of
" a-year." — Straffbrde's Let- able as he was inclined to pu-
ters, i. p. 373. This writer's ritanism.]
testimony is the more remark.
CKNT. XVII.
<jf Britain.
97
tbe whole bench, on the view of ancient precedents a. d. 1633.
in that kind. However, the next assize he revoked9 — ^-'
his order with this limitation, as much as in him
lay1. At what time also the justices of the peace
in Somersetshire (who in birth, brains, spirit, and
estate, were inferior to no county in England) drew
up an humble petition to his majesty, for the sup-
pressing of the aforesaid unlawful assemblies8, con-
curring with the lord chief justice therein, sending
it up by the hand of the custos rotuhrum to deliver
it to the earl of Pembroke, lord lieutenant of their
county, to present it to his majesty5.
[Rush worth, ib. 192.]
It might be supposed
from Fuller's language that this
was the act of the county in
general. The same statement
was made against the archbi-
shop by Prynne; whereupon
he says at his trial : " Mr.
" Prynne says ; that all the
M gentlemen in the country pe-
*• titioned on the judge's behalf.
No ; there was a great faction
in Somersetshire at that time,
" and sir Robert Philips and all
his party wrote up against the
judge and the order he made,
as was apparent by the certifi-
M cates which he returned. And
** sir Robert was well known
in his time to be neither
popish nor profane." — Trou-
bles, p. 343. Afterwards they
were made friends, as we learn
from a letter of Garrard to the
earl of Strafforde : ' • Sir Robert
Philips (he says) and the
chief justice Richardson have
" been made friends of late,
" before a committee of the
" Lords. Their difference arose
««
•1
i«
(4
•f
<•
••
«<
•1
" in the country, at the assizes,
" about these wakes and love-
*• feasts in the country, as they
" call them ; against which the
" judge was very bitter in his
" charge, many misdemeanors
" being presented by the grand
" inquest, which were done at
" those meetings ; and the like
" did most of the judges on
%t their circuits. But now this
" new declaration shuts their
" mouths for the future. Sir
" Robert Philips complains of
" him to the king ; his majesty
" refers it to the archbishop,
" lord keeper, lord treasurer,
" and the earl marshal ; they
" hear them both, and thought
"it fitter to reaccord them, than
" to trouble the king further
" about it.n— Strafforde's Lett,
i. p. 167.]
o [The truth of this matter
will be better understood by
the following letter which arch,
bishop Laud wrote to the bishop
of Bath and Wells on this occa-
sion.
" There hath been of late
FULLER, VOL. VI.
H
98
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A.D.163.;. 87. Just in this juncture of time a declaration for
" sports, set forth the fifteenth of king James, was
decLr^tlon. revi ved and enlarged c ; for his majesty, being trou-
bled with petitions on both sides, thought good to
follow his father's royal example, upon the like
occasion in Lancashire ; and we refer the reader
to what we have written befored, for arguments
<<
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some noise in Somersetshire
about the feasts of the dedi-
cations of churches, common-
ly called wakes, and it seems
the judges of assize formerly
made an order to prohibit
them, and caused it to be
published in some or most of
the churches there by the
ministers, without my lord the
bishop's consent or privity.
The pretence of this hath
been, that some disorders de-
rogatory from God's service
and the government of the
commonwealth are commit-
ted at those times : by which
argument any thing that is
abused may quite be taken
away. It seems there hath
been some heat struck in the
country about this, by the
carriage of the lord chief jus-
tice Richardson at the two
last assizes, especially the
last, with which his majesty
is not well pleased. And for
the preventing of outrages or
disorders at those feasts, no
man can be more careful than
his majesty ; but he con-
ceives, and that very rightly,
that all these may and ought
to be prevented by the care
of the justices of peace, and
leave the feasts themselves to
be kept for the neighbourly
meeting and recreation of the
" people, of which he would
•• not have them debarred un-
'• der any frivolous pretences.
" And further, his majesty hath
" been lately informed by men
" of good place in that county,
" that the humorists increase
" much in these parts, and
" unite themselves by banding
" against the feasts. Yet for
" his better satisfaction, he hath
" commanded me to require you
" to inform yourself, and give
" a speedy account how these
" feasts have been ordered."
See Rush. Coll. ii. p. 192.
To this subject the arch-
bishop, again making reference
at his trial, observes, " Under
your lordship's favour I am
still of opinion, that there is
" no reason the feasts should
" be taken away for some
" abuses in them ; and those
" such as every justice of peace
" is able by law to remedy, if
" he will do his duty. Even
" by this kind of proceeding,
" we may go back to the old
cure, and remedy drunken-
ness by rooting out all the
" vines, the wine of whose
" fruit causes it." — Troubles,
p. 269.]
c [See king Charles's decla-
ration in Wilkins' Concil. iv.
P- 483O
d Seethe 15th of king James.
tt
u
tt
tt
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
99
pro and con about the lawfulness of public reading A.n. 1634.
- n 10 Chai. I.
thereof.
38. It was charged at his trial on the archbishop The arch-
of Canterbury, that he had caused the reviving and cu«S hlm-
enlarging of this declaration, strong presumptions "^
being urged for the proof thereof. He denied it,
jet professing his judgment for recreations on that
day, alleging the practice of the church of Geneva,
allowing shooting in long bows, &c. thereon. Add-
ing also, that though indulging liberty to others,
in his own person he strictly observed that day. A
self-praise, or rather self-purging, because spoken on
his life, which seemed uttered without pride, and with
truth, and was not clearly confuted. Indeed, they
are the best carvers of liberty on that day, who cut
most for others and leave least for themselves6.
«
*€
44
tt
M
c [The passage alluded to
runs as follows :
44 The fourth charge was the
" publishing The Book of Re-
" creations: and it was ushered
" in with this scorn upon me,
" that I labored to put a badge
of holiness by my breath upon
places; and to take it away
from days. But I did nei-
ther ; the king commanded
the printing of it, as is therein
" attested, and the warrant
•• which the king gave me they
have ; and though at conse-
crations I read the prayers.
M yet it was God's blessing, not
" my breath, that gave the ho-
" lines*
" And first it was said, that
this was done of purpose to
take away preaching. But
" first, there is no proof offered
for this ; and secondly, it is
impossible. For till the after-
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tt
noon service and sermon were
done, no recreation is allow-
ed by that book ; nor then to
any but such as have been at
both : therefore it could not
be done to take it away.
Thirdly, the book names none
but lawful recreations, there-
fore if any unlawful be used,
the book gives them no war-
rant. And that some are
lawful (after the public ser-
vice of God is ended) appears
by the practice of Geneva,
where, after evening prayer,
the elder men bowl and the
younger train. And Calvin
say 8 in express terms, that
one cause of the institution
of the Sabbath was, that ser-
vants might have a day of
rest and remission from their
labour. And what time of
the day fit, if not after even-
ing prayer ? And what rest
H 2
100
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A
10
.d. 1634. 39, However, there was no express in this decla-
D Chan. I. f
ration, that the minister of the parish should be
tim'tHfe pressed to the publishing. Many counted it no
ministers, m^j^r's WOrk, and more proper for the place of
the constable or tythiug-man to perform it. Must
they, who were (if not worst able) most unfitting,
bold the candle to lighten and let in licentiousness ?
But because the judges had enjoined the ministers
to read their order in the church, the king's de-
claration was enforced by the bishops to be published
by them in the same place.
Yetwrne 49. As for such whose consciences reluctated to
silenced for
refusal to publish the declaration, various were their evasions.
book. Some left it to their curates to read. Nor was this
the plucking out of a thorn from their own, to put it
in another man's conscience, seeing their curates
were persuaded of the lawfulness thereof. Others
read it indeed themselves, but presently after read
the fourth commandment. And was this fair play,
setting God and their king (as they conceived) at
odds, that so they themselves might escape in the
fray ? Others pointblank refused the reading thereof,
for which some of them were suspended ab officio et
beneficio, some deprived, and moe molested in the
high commission: it being questionable, whether
their sufferings procured more pity to them, or more
hatred to the causers thereof.
*• is there for able young men
" if they may use no recreation ?
'" Then it was urged, that there
" was great riot and disorder
" at wakes kept on the Lord's
" day. That is a very sufficient
" cause to regulate and order
" those feasts, but not quite
" to take them away. I make
44 no doubt for my part but that
" the feast of the dedication
" was abused by some among
" the Jews; and yet Christ
" was so far from taking it
" away for that, as that he ho-
" noured it with his own pre-
" sence."— Troubles, p. 343.]
CKNT. XVII.
of Britain.
101
41. All bishops urged not the reading of the book a.d. 1634.
r ° ° ioChas.1.
with rigour alike, nor punished the refusal with equal
. 111 1 i 1 • 1 Moderation
seventy. I hear the loudest, longest, and thickest of some
complaints come from the diocese of Norwich, and therein.
of Bath and Wells. I knew a bishop in the west,
(to whom I stood related in kindred and service1,)
f [Most probably Dr. John
Davenant, bishop of Salisbury,
Fuller's uncle. Several letters
of this bishop are still preserv-
ed iu the Bodleian, written to
different Cambridge friends in
behalf of his nephew. Of the
state of his diocese this year,
archbishop Laud made the fol-
lowing report to the king: —
" I found that the bishop had
" taken a great deal of care
" about your majesty's instruc-
" tions ; and, that they might
" be the better both known
" and obeyed, he hath caused
** copies of them to be sent to
" most of the ministers in his
" diocese ; which hath done a
" great deal of good. And
" though it be not amongst
" your instructions, yet I am
" bold to signify unto your
" sacred majesty, that I find
M the greatest part of Wiltshire
" overgrown with the humors
" of those men that do not
" conform, and are as back-
" ward, both clergy and laity,
" towards the repairs of St.
" Paul's church, as any part
" of England that I have ob-
" served.*'
The archbishop further adds,
" Concerning Bath and Wells,"
(then governed by Dr. Pierce,
who was afterwards fiercely
persecuted by the parliament,)
" I must needs return to your
" majesty that which I would
" to God I could do of all the
" rest, namely, that all your
" instructions are punctually
" observed ; and the lectures
" (as many as are in that dio-
" cese) read not by any parti-
" cular factious persons, but
" by a company of learned
" neighbouringministers, which
" are every way conformable to
" the church." — Diary, p. 53 1 .
Much the same testimony is
given of Norwich, only that
there the bishop found great
trouble in carrying out the
archbishop's injunctions, owing
to the hostility of the puritan
clergy, who were in great num.
bers in that diocese.
During the time that Dave-
nant was bishop of Salisbury,
Henry Sherfteld, the recorder,
wantonly destroyed the " fair
" and costly glass window in
" the church of St. Edmund's,
" containing the history of the
" creation of the world, (paint-
•' ed in seven compartments) ;
" which had stood there for
0 hundreds of years, and was
" a great ornament to the
" church." When he was called
to his answer, among other
things, he justified himself,
" upon the doctrine of his
" learned diocesan, the now
" lord bishop of Sarum, in his
" Exposition on the Epistle to
" the Colossians, p. 97 and 98."
— See Rushworth, ii. p. 155.]
hS
108 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1634. who, being pressed by some to return the names
— — — ' of such as refused to read the book, to the arch-
bishop of Canterbury, utterly denied ; and his words
to me were these : " I will never turn an accuser of
" my brethren, there be enough in the world to take
" that office." As for the archbishop of Canterbury,
much was his moderation in his own diocese, silenc-
ing but three (in whom also a concurrence of other
nonconformities) through the whole extent thereof.
But oh, the necessity of the general day of judg-
ment, wherein all men's actions shall be expounded
according to their intentions, which here are inter-
pretable according to other men's inclinations ! The
archbishop's adversaries imputed this, not to his
charity, but policy ; fox-like, preying farthest from
his own den, and instigating other bishops to do
more than he would appear in himself. As for his
own visitation articles, some complained they were
but narrow as they were made, and broad as they
were measured ; his under officers improving and
enforcing the same, by their inquiries, beyond the
letter thereof.
Licentious- 42. Many complain that man's badness took occa-
creaseth. si on to be worse, under the protection of these sports
permitted unto them. For although liberty on the
Lord's day may be so limited in the notions of
learned men, as to make it lawful, it is difficult (if
not impossible) so to confine it in the actions of
lewd people, but that their liberty will degenerate
into licentiousness.
Conceived 43. Many moderate men are of opinion, that this
by some a " *
concurring abuse of the Lord's day was a principal procurer
cause of our ^ lt . 1 . 1 , .
civil wan. of God s anger, since poured out on this land, m
a long and bloody civil war. Such observe, that
cent, xvii. of Britain. 108
our fights of chief concernment were often fought a.d. 1634.
on the Lord's day, as pointing at the punishing of —
the profanation thereof. Indeed, amongst so many
battles which in ten years' time have rent the bowels
of England, some on necessity would fall on that day,
(seeing we have be-rubrick'd each day in the week,
almost in the year, with English blood,) and there-
fore to pick a solemn providence out of a common
casualty savours more of curiosity than conscience.
Yet, seeing Edge Hill fight (which first brake the
peace, and made an irreconcilable breach betwixt
the two parties) was fought on that day, and some
battles since of greatest consequence, there may be
more in the observation than what many are willing
to acknowledge. But whatsoever it is which hence
may be collected, sure I am those are the best
Christians who least censure others and most reform
themselves.
44. But here it is much to be lamented, that A,8ad Or-
ation.
such who at the time of the Sabbatarian controversy
were the strictest observers of the Lord's day, are
now reeled by their violence into another extreme,
to be the greatest neglecters, yea, contemners there-
of. These transcendents, accounting themselves
mounted above the predicament of common piety,
aver they need not keep any, because they keep all
Lord's days in their elevated holiness. But alas!
Christian duties said to be ever done will prove
never done, if not sometimes solemnly done. These
are the most dangerous levellers, equalling all times,
places, and persons, making a general confusion to
be gospel perfection ; whereas, to speak plainly, we
in England are rebus sic stantibus, concerned now
more strictly to observe the Lord's day than ever
Hi
104
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. i6.h. before. Holy days are not, and holy eves are not,
™ — !^Lland Wednesday and Friday litanies are not, and
Lord's day eves are not, and now some (out of error,
and others out of profaneness) go about to take
away the Lord's day also ; all these things make
against God's solemn and public service. Oh, let
not his public worship, now contracted to fewer
channels, have also a shallower stream. But enough
of this subject; wherein, if I have exceeded the
bounds of an historian by being too large therein,
such will pardon me, who know (if pleasing to re-
member) that divinity is my proper profession «.
45. At this time miserable the maintenance of
the Irish clergy, where scandalous means made
scandalous ministers. And yet a popish priest would
grow fat in that parish where a protestant would be
famished, as have not their livelihood on the obla-
tions of those of their own religion. But now such
impropriations as were in the crown, by the king
were restored to the church, to a great diminution
of the royal revenue, though his majesty never was
sensible of any loss to himself, if thereby gain might
redound to God in his ministers. Bishop Laud was
a worthy instrument in moving the king to so pious
a work, and yet this his procuring the restoring of
Irish did not satisfy such discontented at his ob-
structing the buying in of English impropriations:
thus those conceived to have done hurt at home
Irish im-
propria-
tions re-
stored.
g [This is a very remarkable
passage, and the best comment
on the effects which the ex-
cesses of the different religious
factions had produced. The
cautious manner in which our
author speaks sufficiently war-
rants the truth of his assertion.
That he did not speak out all
that he thought of the charac-
ter and proceedings of the pu-
ritan party, we might gather
from this passage ; but he has
himself further assured us of it
in his " Appeal of Injured In-
]
nocence.
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
105
will hardly make reparations with other good deeds a. p. 1634.
1# , 10 Chaa. I.
at distance.
46. A convocation (concurrent with a parliament) The Thirty.
was called and kept at Dublin in Ireland, wherein Scieir£
the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England J*^11
were received in Ireland for all to subscribe unto.
It was adjudged fit, seeing that kingdom complies
with England in the civil government, it should also
conform thereto in matters of religion. Meantime
the Irish Articles11 concluded formerly in a synod
1613 (wherein Arminianism was condemned in ter-
minis terminantibus, and the observation of the
Lord's day resolved jure divino) were utterly ex-
cluded !.
47- A cardinal's cap once and again offered byBwhop
the pope to bishop Laud, was as often refused byfu^tha
him. The fashion thereof could not fit his head,££inar8
who had studied and written so much against the
Romish religion. He who formerly had foiled the
Fisher himself in a public disputation, would not
now be taken with so silly a bait, but acquainted
the king therewith : timuit Romam vel dona ferentem,
refusing to receive anything from Rome till she was
better reformed k.
48. Dr. William Juxon, bishop of London, was Bishop
by bishop Laud's procurement made lord treasurer made lord
treasurer.
h [These articles were drawn
up by Usher, and he inserted
them among the celebrated
Lambeth Articles.]
i [See the " Constitutions
" and Canons ecclesiastical
" treated upon by the Arch-
" bishops and Bishops and the
" rest of the Clergy of Ireland ;
and agreed upon by the
•f
" King's Majesty's License in
" their Synod begun and holden
" at Dublin, A. D. 1634."
Printed in Wilkins' Concil. iv.
p. 496. See Cox's Hist, of Ire-
land, ii. 55, and a letter ad-
dressed by the earl of Strafford
to archbishop Laud in his Let-
ters and Dispatches, i. 342.]
k [See his Diary, p. 49.]
106
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A,?:,6-Y* °f England, entering on that office with many and
great disadvantages. First, because no clergyman
had executed the same since William Grey, bishop
of Ely, almost two hundred years ago, in the reign
of king Edward the Fourth. Secondly, because the
treasury was very poor, and if in private houses
bare walls make giddy housewives, in princes'
palaces empty coffers make unsteady statesmen.
Thirdly, because a very potent (I cannot say com-
petitor, the bishop himself being never a petitor for
the place, but) desirer of this office was frustrated
in bis (almost assured) expectation of the same to
himself1.
1 [This promotion of Juxon
gave great offence to the no-
bility, who looked upon this
office as a prize for one of
themselves, particularly since
the bishop was a man entirely
unknown till this time. As
lord Clarendon observes : "This
" inflamed more men than were
" angry before, and no doubt
" did not only sharpen the
" edge of envy and malice
" against the archbishop, (who
" was the known architect of
" this new fabric,) but most
" injustly undisposed many to-
" wards the church itself; which
" they looked upon as the gulf
" ready to swallow all the great
" offices, there being others in
'• view of that robe, who were
" ambitious enough to expect
" the rest." Rebel, i . 1 75 . Per-
haps the historian refers more
particularly to the known dis-
seusion which happened at this
time between Laud and his
former friends Wardebank and
Cottington. See Laud's Diary,
p. 51. Strafforde's Lett. i. 449,
•«
«<
tt
479. Mr. Garrard in a letter
to the earl of Strafforde ob-
serves upon this appointment :
The clergy are so high here
since the joining of the white
sleeves with the white staff,
" that there is much talk of
" having a secretary a bishop,
" Dr. Wren, bishop of Norwich,
" and a chancellor of the ex-
" chequer, Dr. Bancroft, bishop
" of Oxford ; but this comes
" only from the young fry of
,( the clergy, little credit is
*' given to it, but it is observed
" they swarm mightily about
" the court." Strafforde's Let-
ters, ii. 2. Sanderson tells us
that one of the great motives
which induced the king to de-
sire the promotion of the dig-
nified clergy to such posts was
economy, they having no fami-
lies to provide for, and there-
fore more frugal, as undoubt-
edly more honest, dispensers
of the king's revenues. A re-
mark which I do not remember
to have been made elsewhere.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 107
49. Howsoever, so discreet his carriage in that a. d. 1635.
place, it procured a general love unto him, and—; —
politic malice, despairing to bite, resolved not toraendabU»
bark at him. He had a perfect command of hiscarnage'
passion, (an happiness not granted to all clergymen
in that age, though privy counsellors m,) slow, not of
speech as a defect, but to speak, out of discretion,
because when speaking he plentifully payed the
principal and interest of his auditors' expectation.
No hands, having so much money passing through
them, had their fingers less soiled therewith. It is
probable his frugality would have cured the con-
sumption of the king's exchequer, had not the (un-
expected) Scotch commotion put it into a desperate
relapse. In this particular he was happy above
others of his order, that whereas they may be said
in some sort to have left their bishoprics, (flying
into the king's quarters for safety,) he staid at home
m [He glances at Laud, who " sweeten many of them again
was somewhat warm and hasty: " when they least looked for it."
" He had indeed/' says Heylin, Examen Historicum, p. 218.
" no such command upon his An admirable anecdote is
" passions as to be at all times preserved by lord Clarendon in
" of equal temper ; especially the History of his own Life,
" when wearied with the bust- which shews how sensible Laud
" ness of the council table and was of this constitutional in-
" the high commission. But as (trinity, and how ready to make
" he was soon hot, so was he reparation when he had given
" soon cooled. And so much/' offence. The manner in which
he continues, " is observed by he received Mr. Hyde's expos-
•• sir Edward Deering, though tulation, then but a very young
" his greatest adversary, and man, is very creditable to the
" the first that threw dirt in his archbishop's moderation and
" face in the late long parlia- temper, and must give every
ment ; who telleth us of him, unprejudiced reader a very high
" that the roughness of his imi- opinion of the excellence of his
courtly nature sent most men disposition and the greatness
discontented from him, but so of his moral courage. See the
that he would often of himself Life of Clarendon, i. 70.]
find ways and means to
(4
tt
•4
<«
108
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A. D. 1635. till bis bishopric left him, roused from bis swan's
' *"" nest at Fulham for a bird of another feather to
build therein.
Archbishop so. Dr. Laud, formerly archbishop in power, now
presses con- so in place, after the decease of bishop Abbot, this
onmty. ^^^ ]nept his metropolitical visitation, and hence-
forward conformity was more vigorously pressed
than before. Insomuch that a minister was cen-
sured in the high commission for this expression in
a sermon, "That it was suspicious that now the
night did approach, because the shadows were so
much longer than the body, and ceremonies more
in force than the power of godliness." And now
many differences about divine worship began to
arise, whereof many books were written pro and
con. So common in all hands, that my pains may
be well spared in rendering a particular account of
what is so universally known. So that a word or
two will suffice n.
«
a
«t
n [And yet it is said in "The
" Appeal" &c. p. iii. p. 8, that
Laud s articles of visitation
were observed to be so mode-
rate that " there was a design
" of the thirty-six dissenters
" .... in the convocation to
44 obtain that these articles of
" his visitation might be pre-
" c?dential to all the bishops
" in England, as being in them -
•• selves inoffensive, and con-
" taining no innovations. This
" was by some communicated
'* to archbishop Laud, who at
"first seemed to approve
"* thereof, and how it came
" afterwards to miscarry I am
•' not bound to discover." To
this the archbishop alludes in
his trial : 4< My articles gave so
" good content, that while the
" convocation was sitting, Dr.
" Brownrigg and Dr. Holds-
'* worth came to me, and de-
" sired me to have my book
" confirmed in convocation, to
" be general for all bishops in
" future, it was so moderate
" and according to law. But
" why then (say they) were
" other articles thought on, and
" a clause that none should pass
" without the approbation of
" the archbishop? Why: other
" were thought on, because I
" could not in modesty press
'* the confirmation of my own
" though solicited to it." Trial,
345-3
cekt. xvn. of Britain. 109
51. One controversy was about the holiness of a. 0.1636.
our churches, some maintaining that they succeed — —
to the same degree of sanctity with the tabernacle churches
of Moses and temple of Solomon, which others "J*^^
flatly denied. First, because the tabernacle andp,e',mt
J 7 synagogues.
temple were and might be but one at a time,
whilst our churches, without fault, may be multi-
plied without any (set) number. They both for
their fashion, fabric, and utensils, were jure divino,
their architects being inspired, whilst our churches
are the product of human fancy. Thirdly, God
gloriously appeared both in the tabernacle and
temple, only graciously present in our churches.
Fourthly, the temple was a type of Christ's body,
which ours are not. More true it is, our churches
are heirs to the holiness of the Jewish synagogues,
which were many, and to whom a reverence was
due, as publicly destined to divine service.
52. Not less the difference about the manner of Adoration
adoration to be used in God's house, which some^r. "
would have done towards the communion table, as
the most remarkable place of God's presence. Those
used a distinction between bowing ad aitare towards
the altar, as directing their adoration that way, and
ad aitare to the altar, as terminating their worship
therein ; the latter they detested as idolatrous, the
former they defended as lawful and necessary ; such
a slovenly0 unmannerliness had lately possessed
many people in their approaches to God's house
that it was high time to reform.
53. But such as disliked the gesture, could not Disliked hy
or would not understand the distinction, as in themany*
suburbs of superstition. These allowing some cor-
° Mai. i. 7.
110
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. i6j6.poral adoration lawful, yea necessary, seeing no
'. reason the moiety of man, yea the total son of him,
which is visible, his body, should be exempted
from God's service, except such a writ of ease could
be produced and proved from scripture. But they
were displeased with this adoration, because such as
enjoin it maintain one kind of reverence due to the
very place, another to the elements of the sacra-
ments, if on the table, a third to God himself : these
several degrees of reverence ought to be railed about
as well as the communion table, and clearly distin-
guished, lest that be given to the creature which
belongs to the Creator, and such as shun profanation
run into idolatry.
54. A controversy was also started about the
posture of the Lord's board, communion table, or
altar, the last name beginning now in many men's
mouths to out the two former. Some would have
it constantly fixed with the sides east and west, ends
north and south, on a graduated advance next the
east wall of the chancel, citing a canon and the
practice in the king's chapel for the same. Others
pressed the queen's injunctions that (allowing it at
other times to stand, but not altarwise in the
chancel) it ought to be set in the body of the
church when the sacrament is celebrated thereon p.
P [" The question was, whe-
" ther it ought to stand in the
" middle of the church or
" chancel, with one end toward
" the east great window, like
44 a common table, or close up
" to the eastern wail, with ends
" north and south, according
" as the altars had been placed
€( in the former times. They
" that maintained the last opin-
" ion had authority for it ; that
" is to say, the injunctions of
" the queen, anno 1599, the
" orders and advertisements of
" the year 1562 and 1565, the
" constant practice of the cha-
" pels in his majesty's houses,
" most of the cathedrals,
" and some of the parochial
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
Ill
55. Such the heat about this altar till both sides a. d. 1636.
had almost sacrificed up their mutual charity thereon, 1
and this controversy was prosecuted with much
needless animosity. This mindeth me of a passage
in Cambridge, when king James was there present,
" churches : and, finally, a de-
" claration of the king, anno
" '^33, commending a con-
•• formity in the parish churches
" to their own cathedrals. They
•' on the other side stood chiefly
" upon discontinuance, hut
" urged withal, that some ru-
" brie* in the Common Prayer
" Book seemed to make for
'• them." Examen Hist. p. 215.
The chief writers in this con-
troversy were archbishop, then
bishop, Williams, in a short
tract entitled, "A Letter to the
" Vicar of Grantham against
" the Communion-table stand-
•• ing altar-ways ;" first printed
in 1 627, (Hacket's Life of Wil-
liams, ii. p. 100,) but revived
at this time, and reprinted by
Dr. Heylyn at the end of his
tract, " A Coal from the Altar,
" or an Answer to a Letter not
" long since written to the
" Vicar of Gr. against the
44 placing of the Communion-
4< table at the East end of the
Chancel ; and now of late
dispersed abroad to the Dis-
' turbanceof the Church. Lond.
1636." To this the arch-
bishop replied in a pamphlet
entitled, "The Holy Table,
" Name and Thing, more an-
" ciently, properly, and literal-
•• ly used in the New Testa-
" ment than that of an Altar :
" written long ago by a minis-
" ter in Lincolnshire, in answer
««
*i
t*
" to Dr. Coal ; a judicious di-
" vine of queen Mary's days.
" Printed for the diocese of
" Lincoln. 1637." This was
immediately answered by Dr.
Heylyn in his Antidotum Lin-
coln i en se printed the same
year. In Bp. Hacket's Life of
Williams, besides an account
of this controversy, will be
found a copious abstract and
defence of Williams* writings
in defence of his views, part ii.
p. 99, and for the other side of
the question see Heylyn's Life
of Laud, pp. 285, 3 14.
Besides these, Dr. Heylyn's
views were supported by Dr.
John Pocklington, in a tract
called, " Altare Christ ianum,
" or the dead Vicar's Plea.
" Lond. 1637." By the learned
Joseph Mede, in a pamphlet
which he put forth the same
year, "The Name Altar an-
" tiently given to the Holy
" Altar. Lond. 1637." After-
wards the same controversy
was continued by R. Day, in
his " Two Looks over Lincoln.
" 1 641." By Shelford, Reeve,
and others, to whom the noto-
rious Prynne replied in his
tract called, " A quench Coal ;
" or a brief Disquisition and
" Inquiry in what place of the
" Church or Chancel the Lord's
" Table ought to be situated,
" &c. Lond. 1637."]
112 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 16.16. to whom a great person complained of the inverted
— ■ — ~ situation of a college chapel, north and south, out
of design to put the house to the cost of new build-
ing the same. To whom the king answered, " It
" matters not how the chapel stands, so their hearts
" who go thither be set aright in God's service.*'
Indeed if moderate men had had the managing of
these matters, the accommodation had been easy,
with a little condescension on both sides. But as a
8m all accidental heat or cold (such as a healthful
body would not be sensible of) is enough to put
him into a fit who was formerly in latitudine febris,
so men's minds, distempered in this age with what I
may call a mutinous tendency, were exasperated
with such small occasions which otherwise might
have been passed over, and no notice taken thereof.
Mr.Wii- 56. For now came the censure of Mr. Prynne,
liara
Prynne. Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton ; and we must go a
little backwards to take notice of the nature of their
offences. Mr. William Prynne born (about Bath) in
Gloucestershire, bred some time in Oxford, after-
wards utter-barister of Lincoln's Inn, began with
the writing of some useful and orthodox books <*.
I have heard some of his detractors account him as
only the hand of a better head, setting forth at first
the endeavours of others. Afterwards he delighted
more to be numerous with many than ponderous
with select quotations, which maketh his books to
swell, with the loss ofttimes of the reader, some-
times of the printer, and his pen generally querulous
hath more of the plaintiff than of the defendant
therein r.
4 The Perpetuity of the Re- r [An admirable account of
generate Man his Estate. Prynne, who was a student in
cent. xvii. of Britain. 113
57. Some three years since he set forth a book ^- ^iilJ.3/"
called Histriom astir, or the Whip of Stage-players. Acctlied for
A whip so held and used by his hand, that some libelling
againitt the
conceived the lashes thereof flew into the lace of the bishops.
queen herself, as much delighted in masques. For
which he was severely censured to lose his ears on
the pillory, and for a long time (after two removals
to the fleet) imprisoned in the tower. Where he
wrote, and whence he dispersed new pamphlets,
which were interpreted to be libels against the
established discipline of the Church of England, for
which he was indited in the Star-chamber.
58. Dr. John Bastwick (by vulgar error generally Dr. Bast-
wick his ac*
mistaken to be a Scotchman) was born at Writtle cusarion.
in Essex, bred a short time in Emmanuel College,
then travelled nine years beyond the seas, made Dr.
of physic at Padua. Returning home he practised
it at Colchester, and set forth a book in Latin
(wherein his pen commanded a pure and fluent
style) entitled, Flagellum pontificis, et episcoporum
Latialium •. But it seems he confined not his cha-
racter so to the Latian bishops beyond the Alps,
but that our English prelates counted themselves
touched therein. Hereupon he was accused in the
high commission, committed to the gate-house,
where he wrote a second book, taxing the injustice
of the proceedings of the high commission, for which
he was indited in the Star-chamber.
59. Mr. Henry Burton, minister, rather took a Mr. Burton
his cha-
snap than made a meal in any university; was first meter.
Oriel College in Oxford, will his letter to " Mr. Aquila
be found in Wood's Athen. ii. " Wycks, Keeper of the Gate
434.] " House," in Nal son's Coll. i.
■ [A tolerable specimen of 500. Our honest historian is
this purity will be found in laughing in his sleeve.]
FULLEE, VOL. VI. I
The cause
of hit dia-
114 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1637. schoolmaster to the sons of the lord Cary (afterwards
" earl of Monmouth), whose lady was governess to
king Charles when prince *. And this opportunity
(say some), more than his own deserts, preferred him
to the service of prince Charles, being designed (as I
have heard) to wait on him in Spain, but afterwards
(when part of his goods were shipped for the voyage)
excluded the attendance. Whether because his parts
and learning were conceived not such as to credit
our English church in foreign countries, or because
his principles were accounted uncomplying with that
employment.
60. The crudity of this affront lay long on his
content, mind, hot stomachs (contrary to corporal concoction)
being in this kind the slowest of digestion. After
the venting of many mediate discontents, on the last
fifth of November he took for his text Prov. xxiv.
21, My son, fear thou (he Lord and the king : and
meddle not with them that are given to change. This
sermon was afterwards printed, charging the prelates
for introducing of several innovations into divine
worship, for which, as a libel, he was indited in the
Star-chamber.
Thdr fault 61. But the fault general, which at this day was
charged on these three prisoners at the bar in the
Star-chamber, was this : That they had not put in
* [But according to his own curious tract entitled, "A Nar-
account he resided long enough " rative of the Life of Mr.
in St. John's College, in the " Henry Burton, wherein is
university of Cambridge, to " set forth the various and re-
take his degree of M. A. He " niarkable passages thereof,
was at first '* sole officer of the *' Now published, according
" closet/' as he styles it, to "to a copy written with his
prince Henry, (according to " own hand. Lond. 1643." At
Sanderson, " clerk of the cha- the time of his writing this
" pel-closet,") and after his book he was certainly mad.]
death to prince Charles. See a
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
115
their effectual answer into that court wherein they a. d. 1637.
were accused, though sufficient notice and com--- 1
petent time was allowed them for the performance
thereof. The lord keeper Coventry minded them,
that for such neglect they had a precedent, wherein
the court after six days had taken a cause pro con-
fesso, whereas the favour of six weeks was allowed
unto them, and now leave given them to render
reason why the court should not proceed to present
censure u.
u [The official account of the
trial of these men will be found
in Rush worth, ii. 380 ; their
own report is contained in a
tract reprinted in the Harleian
Miscellany, entitled, " A brief
M Relation of certain special
" and most material Passages
" and Speeches in the 8tar-
" chamber, occasioned and de-
" livered June 14th, 1637, at
" the censure of those three
" worthy gentlemen, Dr. Bast-
" wick, Mr. Burton, and Mr.
" Prynne, as it hath been truly
" and faithfully gathered from
" their own mouths, by one
" present at the said censure."
Fuller's narrative is abridged
from this tract. As to the
justice of their censure, they
were scarcely punished above
their deserts, but as to the ex-
pediency of their being thus
made an example to others,
this is another question. As
far as Laud himself was con-
cerned, he neither proposed nor
assisted at the sentence; and
of this charge even his bitterest
enemies have acquitted him.
The reasons for this forbearance
lie has stated himself, con-
cluding his celebrated speech
in the Star-chamber with these
words: " But because the busi-
" ness hath some reflection
•* upon myself, I shall forbear
" to censure them, and leave
" them to God's mercy and
" the king's justice."
In his trial, the archbishop
thus tells us what share he took
in the proceedings against these
men, and the malice and the
fury with which he was perse-
cuted by them and their faction :
" In the giving of this sen-
" tence," he says, •' I spake my
" conscience ; and was after
" commanded to print my
" speech. But I gave no vote;
" because they had fallen so
" personally upon me, that I
44 doubted many men might
" think spleen, and not justice,
" led me to it. Nor was it my
'* counsel that advised their
" sending into those remote
" parts. The Brown ists and
'• the preciser part of the king-
" dom were nettled at this ;
" and the anger turned upon
" me, though I were the pa-
•• tient all along. For they
had published most enor-
mous libels against me ; and
" I did but shew such as came
I 2
(<
tt
XI.
3
• T
ii Tfun Mr: ^
Tn» irsc moved that they
-ir*ud "ie ntsae* ~o a
L._jt a ana bfil (which he
^usc£-HtE?n: acscw
lie iresaEe^w Th» die lord
«p*qig> ^rasw "u srre
gr if it :ne present, as not
lent tie toshhs* 7 "in* car. Tbesi he moved that
:he TiPMxe* Tiicnr 'je
iismisKd :ae court : it being
vn^esbie n??nxty :u 3a
rare. TseonL nor justice, that
iuma? -rtiM tpp! -nt»r
■■Minum h* should be their
inu?s. T!ns liaM i»
^ffiw by the lord keeper,
leemse "jv ^le «ne
*
imwmiJD. bad he libelled
ncimst :ae Knwnu Lumsv jmisest and prHr coun-
cilor* n rh** liar**, "ly
- "hi* piea. sone shoald pass
cerare to«ii zha*m~ "Moaa? ill were made parties.
<&> Mr. Ptyine irwwnw ?> shew be had done
lis znthaamixr ^ prepare ib* answer, being hindered
arse by iis not* imocisunimaic ♦fcmed pea. ink, and
paper : ami by :ie impRMamefic also of hi? servant,
wbi> was ri> sotiesc lis
basnet That the council
aas^riett 5:m vraaie ti
?ry -are. aad thoogh twice
paje«i 5>r lieir pains
ieKrrec die drawing up of
**
*i it isuuia si zx icine.
ixut su»r» jgf: tie-n *f if
wimt taev jitKiaeii rn. x. B*rc
char cor ^rim^i roer ^nsn?
br Mr. Barton, xad
and tens by knnseif ti> cite
Lords •J^Hmg ia council : sad
a Ktazxr and other «cammltias
4i
4*
4*
**
*i
«4
**
by Dr. Bastwick ; and things
of like nature br Mr. Prr ime.
And be was thought to de-
terre less fiTour than the
rem, became he had been
censured before in that great
or/art, for grots abases of the
queen's gracious majesty and
the government, in his book
* xjca taese men, though I
- in£ ao mere than is before
~ oendootftL ret thev and that
~ csctiua contnned all manner
* or malice against me: and I
~ kid Lfbei upon fibel scattered
- in the *tic«is and pasted
"~ upon posts. And upon Fri-
** day. July 7, 1637, a note
*% w*s brought to me of a short
** Hbel pasted on the cross in
Cheapsade, that the arch- wolf
of Canterbury had his hand
" in persecuting the saints and
" shedding the blood of the
•• martyrs." Troubles and
Trid* p. .44.]
ۥ
€«
cent. xvii. • of Britain. 117
his answer, and durst not set their hands tin to it. a. d. 1637.
13 Chas. I.
Mr. Hole, one of his council, being present, confessed
that he found his answer would be very long, and
of such a nature as he durst not subscribe it, fearing
to give their lordships distaste.
64. Dr. Bastwick being spoken to, to speak for Sou Dr.
himself, why he brought not in his answer before,
hud the blame on the cowardice of his counsel, that
durst not sign it for fear of the prelates. He there
tendered his answer on oath with his own hand,
which would not be accepted. He spake much of
his own abilities, that he had been a soldier able to
lead an army of men into the field, and now was a
physician able to cure kings, princes, and emperors ;
and therefore how unworthy it was to curtailize his
ears, generally given out by the bishops' servants as
a punishment intended unto him. He minded them
of the mutability of all earthly things, and chiefly
of the changes in the court ; where he x, lately the
chief judge therein, was the next day to have his
own cause censured : wishing them seriously to
consider, that some who -now sat there on the bench,
might stand prisoners at the bar another day, and
need the favour which now they denied.
65. Mr. Burton being asked what he could allege Mr. Bur-
why the court should not take his fault pro confesso, out for im-
pleaded that he had put in his answer, drawn upper^"
with great pains and cost, signed by his council, and
received into the court. The lord keeper rejoined,
that the judges had cast his answer out as imperfect.
Judge Finch affirming that they did him a good
turn in making it imperfect, being otherwise as li-
bellous as his book, and deserving a censure alone.
z The bishop of Lincoln.
13
118 The Church History book xi.
a, d. 1637. 66. Here the prisoners desiring to speak were
1 commanded silence, and the premises notwithstand-
Til© BCV6T6 • 1 11 11
censure, ing, the court proceeded to censure: namely, that
they should lose their ears in the palace yard at
Westminster, fining them also five thousand pounds
a man to his majesty, and perpetual imprisonment
in three remote places. The lord Finch added to
Mr. Prynne's censure, that he should be branded
in each cheek with S. L. for slanderous libeller, to
which the whole court agreed. The archbishop of
Canterbury made a long speech, since printed, to
excuse himself from the introducing of any innova-
tions in the church, concluding it, that he left the
prisoners to God's mercy and the king's justice y.
^^y 67. It will be lawful and safe to report the dis-
■o™6- course of several persons hereon. This censure fell
out scarce adequate to any judgment, as conceiving
it either too low or too high for their offence. High
conformists counted it too low, and that it had been
better if the pillory had been changed into a gallows.
They esteemed it improvident (but by their leaves
more of Machiavel than of Christ in such counsel)
to kindle revenge, and not to quench life in such
turbulent spirits. The only way with them, had
been to rid them out of the way.
by most 68. Most moderate men thought the censure too
sharp, too base and ignominious for gentlemen of
their ingenuous vocation. Besides, though it be
easy in the notion, it is hard in the action to fix
shame on the professors, and sever it from the pro-
fessions of divinity, law, and physic1. As for the
y [Printed in Rush worth, and is borne out by the obser-
vol. iii, App. p. 1 16.] vation of lord Clarendon. For
* [This remark is very just, although these men were very
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
119
former, though Burton was first degraded a, yet such A%- qJ£3/'
who maintain an indelible character of priesthood -
contemptible, and none of them
either esteemed or regarded by
the worthy part of their several
professions, " yet when they
*' were all sentenced, and for
" the execution of that sen.
" tence brought out to be
M punished as common and
*' signal rogues, exposed upon
" scaffolds to have their ears
" cut off, and their faces and
" foreheads branded with hot
" irons, (as the poorest and
" most mechanic malefactor
" used to be, when they were
" not able to redeem them-
selves by any fine for their
trespasses, or to satisfy any
damages for the scandals they
" had raised against the good
" name and reputation of
'* others,) men began no more
" to consider their manners
" but the men ; and each pro-
" fession, with anger and in-
" dignation enough, thought
" their education, and degrees,
" and quality, would have se-
" cured them from such in.
" famous judgment, and trea-
" sured up wrath for the time
" to come." Rebeli. i. 167.
It must always indeed be a
matter of regret, that the arch-
bishop permitted his name to
be mixed up so much with
proceedings of this kind ; and
that having a work truly
mighty and important to per-
form, he should have increased
the obstacles already sufficient-
ly numerous, and wasted his
energies on things unworthy of
him. It might be hard for one
of his temperament to refrain ;
««
•<
**
his very attachment to king
Charles, more like the warm
and ardent affection of a friend,
than the dutiful loyalty of a
subject, may have often urged
him, naturally warm and im-
petuous, to take part with
royalty ; and to be forward in
punishing those who insulted it,
as though thin had been part of
his own sacred cause. Still
harder was it, for one serving
such a king as Charles I, and
that one a bishop, not to es-
pouse his cause with unflinching
energy and devotion ; and to
bring to its support his in-
fluence, not merely as a subject
and as a Christian, but as the
head and representative of the
Church of England. In this
respect the archbishop's conduct
was imitated by many other
prelates ; so that men could
not distinguish between the
church and the state, nor se-
parate from the church those
abuses which were committed
by a worthless aristocracy, who
cared only so far for the church
as the representative of a po-
litical party. So all the seve-
rities of the Star and Council
chamber came to be charged
upon the church ; men's hearts
(always ready to revolt against
excessive punishments, even
when in some degree deserved)
were alienated from her; in
the redress of political griev-
ances, or defence of political
rights, they regarded her as
their adversary, because those
who chiefly represented her, if
not of the number of the in-
14
120
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d.i 6.17. hold that degradation cannot delete what ordination
J. — !!!_' hath impressed ; and grant the censure pronounced
ad terrorem, it might have become the bishops to
mediate for a mitigation thereof. Let canvass be
rough and rugged, lawn ought to be soft and smooth.
Meekness, mildness, and mercy being more proper
for men of the episcopal function.
Mr. Burton 69. Two days after, three pillories were set up in
the pillory, the palace yard, or one double one, and a single one
at some distance, for Mr. Prynne as the chief
offender. Mr. Burton first suffered, making a long
speech in the pillory, not entire and continued, but
interrupted with occasional expressions. But the
main intent thereof was to parallel his sufferings
with our Saviour's. For at the first sight of the
pillory, " Methinks," said he, " I see mount Calvary,
" whereon the three crosses were erected. If Christ
" was numbered amongst thieves, shall a Christian
" think much for his sake to be numbered amongst
" rogues ?" And whereas one told an halberdeer
standing by, who had an old rusty halbert, (the iron
jurers, had been found and
mixed up far too much with
them. The fate of Laud, the
fate of the Marian bishops, both
of whom were made responsible
for cruelties which they both
abhorred, must ever be a warn,
ing unto churchmen against
taking an active part in state
affairs, and mixing too much in
courts. It is true that bishops
and clergy were equally found
in courts, perhaps far more
so, before the reformation than
afterwards; but in the first
case (happily for the church
and its influence among the
people) it was in opposition to
the despotic measures both of
the nobility and the crown;
but in Laud's time things had
changed, and with it the posi-
tion of the clergy. Honesty,
loyalty, and affection, may have
induced him to espouse the part
which he did, and to support
without discrimination the mea-
sures of the court throughout
his life; it might have been
right, it might have been neces-
sary, but it was not the less un-
fortunate that it should have
been so.]
a By sir John Lamb in the
high commission in St. Paul's.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 121
whereof was tacked to the staff with an old crooked *• d. 1637.
nail,) " What an old rusty weapon is this !" Mr. Bur- * "
ton overhearing them answered : " It seems to be
" one of those halberts which accompanied Judas
" when Christ was betrayed and apprehended."
70. His ears were cut off very close, so that the Several cen-
temporal or head artery being cut, the blood in behaviour.
abundance streamed down upon the scaffold, all
which he manfully endured, without manifesting
the least shrinking thereat. Indeed of such who
measured his mind by his words, some conceived
his carriage far above: others (though using the
same scale) suspected the same to be somewhat
beside himself. But let such who desire more of
his character, consult with his printed life, written
with his own hand, though it be hard for the most
excellent artist truly to draw his own picture.
71. Dr. Bastwick succeeded him, making a speech Mr. Bast-
to this effect. " Here are many spectators of us, IJ^ech.
u who stand here as delinquents, yet am I not con-
u scious to myself of the least trespass, wherein I
" have deserved this outward shame. Indeed I wrote
" a book against antichrist the pope, and the pope
u of Canterbury said it was written against him.
" But were the press open unto us, we would scatter
" his kingdom, and fight courageously against Gog
and Magog. There be many here that have set
many days apart on our behalf, (let the prelates
" take notice thereof,) and have sent up strong
" prayers to God for us, the strength and fruit
*• whereof we have felt all along in this cause. In
" a word, so far am I from fear or care, that had
"I as much blood as would swell the Thames,"
(then visible unto him, his face respecting the
u
122
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1637. south,) "I would lose every drop thereof in this
i3Chas.l. „ J r
* cause.
Many men 72. His friend 8 much admired and hicrhly corn-
many ,
minds. mended the erection of his mind triumphing over
pain and shame, making the one easy, the other
honourable, and imputed the same to an immediate
spiritual support. Others conceived that anger in
him acted the part of patience, as to the stout
undergoing of his sufferings, and that in a Christian
there lieth a real distinction betwixt spirit and
stomach, valour and stubbornness.
Mr. Prynne 73, ]yir# Prynne concluded the sad sight of that
his speech. ' °
day, and spake to this purpose : " The cause of my
" standing here is for not bringing in my answer ;
" God knoweth, my conscience beareth witness, and
" my council can tell ; for I paid them twice, though
" to no purpose. But their cowardice stands upon
" record. And that is the reason why they did
proceed, and take the cause pro confesso against
me. But rather than I would have my cause a
leading cause to the depriving of the subject's
liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to
suffer my body to become an example of this
" punishment5."
«<
4«
U
«
it
t> [Gerrard in a letter to
lord Strafford, dated July 24,
1637, mentions a fewadditional
particulars : " Some few days,"
he observes, " after the end of
" the term in the palace yard
" two pillories were erected,
" and there the sentence of
" Star-chamber against Bur-
" ton. Bast wick, and Prynne
" was executed. They two
" stood in the pillory two
" hours; Burton by himself,
" being degraded in the high
44 commission court three days
" before ; the place was full of
" people, who cried and howled
" terribly, especially when Bur-
" ton was cropped. Dr. Bast-
" wick Was very mdrry ; his
" wife, Dr. Par's daughter, got
" a stool, kissed him; his ears
" being cut off, she called for
" them, and put them in a clean
" handkerchief, and carried
" them away with her. Bast-
ckkt. xvii. of Britain. 128
74. The censure was with all rigour executed on a. d. 1637.
him, and he who felt the most fretted the least;- -
commended for more kindly patience than either of haviour at
his predecessors in that place. So various were oen,ure-
men's fancies in reading the same letters imprinted
in his face, that some made them to spell the guilti-
ness of the sufferer, but others the cruelty of the
hnposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause,
more for the man, most for humanity sake, bestowed
pity upon him: and now all three were remanded
to their former prisons; and Mr. Prynne, as he
returned by water to the tower, made this distich
upon his own stigmatizing:
S. L.
Stigmata maxiUis referens, insignia Laudis,
Kxulians remeo^ victima grata Deo.
Not long after, they were removed : Mr. Prynne to
Caernarvon Castle in Wales : Dr. Bastwick, and Mr.
Burton, the one to Lancaster Castle, the other to
Launceston in Cornwall.
75. But it seems these places were conceived to Their re-
have, either too little of privacy, or too much ofmov
pleasure. The two latter therefore were removed
again; one to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the
Isle of Guernsey ; and Mr. Prynne to mount Orgueil
Castle in Jersey. This in vulgar apprehensions
added breadth to the former depth of their suffer-
ings, scattering the same over all the English do-
minions, making the islands thereof as well as the
M
€$
wick told the people, the " several counties where they
lords had collar-days at court, " are to Ik? imprisoned, to re-
" but this was his collar-day, " ceive them and see them
44 rejoicing much in it. Some " placed." Strafford's Lett. ii.
" warrants are sent from the 86.]
" lords to the sheriffs of the
124 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1637. continent, partake of their patience. And here we
- leave them all in their prisons, and particularly Mr.
Prynne, improving the rocks and the seas (good
spiritual husbandry) with pious meditations6. But
we 6hall hear more of them hereafter at the begin-
ning of the parliament.
a prepare- 76. Next came the bishop of Lincoln to be cen-
cenmire of sured in the Star-chamber, and something must be
of Lincoln, premised j) reparative thereunto d. After the great
seal, some ten years since, was taken from him, he
retired himself to Bugden, in Huntingdonshire,
where he may be said to have lived in a public
privacy. So many his visitants, hospital his house-
keeping: it being hard to say, whether his table
were more free and full in diet or discourse : indeed
he had a plentiful estate to maintain it, besides his
purchased land ; the revenues of his bishopric and
deanery of Westminster, out of which long since he
had been shaken, if not fastened therein by the
letters patents of king James. His adversaries be-
held him with envious eyes, and one great prelate
plainly said in the presence of the king, that " the
" bishop of Lincoln lived in as much pomp and
" plenty as any cardinal in Rome, for diet, music,
" and attendance." They resolved therefore to
humble his height, the concurrence of many matters
ministering occasion thereunto.
77. Sir John Lambe, dean of the arches, for-
c [Writing most wretched " 1. Rocks; 2. Seas; 3. Gar-
doggrel on this occasion enti- " dens. Loud. 1641."]
tied, *' Mount Orgueil, or di- d [A very full account of
" vine and profitable Medita- these proceedings against the
" tions raised from the Con- bishop of Lincoln will be found
" temptations of these three in Hacket's Life of Williams,
•• Leaves of Nature's Volume, ii. 1 1 1 , sq]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 125
merly a favourite of Lincoln, (fetched off from being A-i*j**37-
prosecuted in parliament, and knighted by his means,) - — ; —
with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen, and Burden, (two proctors, his div °P
as I take them,) were entertained at the bishop's ^"^bie
table at Bugden, where their talk was (the discourse J^J^ lILhU.
general of those days) against puritans. The bishop
advised them to take off their heavy hand from
them, informing them that his majesty intended to
use them hereafter with more mildness, as a con-
siderable party having great influence on the par-
liament, without whose concurrence the king could
not comfortably supply his necessities; adding more-
over, that his majesty had communicated this unto
him by his own mouth, with his resolutions hereafter
of more gentleness to men of that opinion.
78. Some years after, upon the denial of an informed a-
official's place in Leicestershire, (which notwith- in the sur-
standing he carried in despite of the bishop,) sir am
John Lambe fell foul with his old friend, and in
revenge complained of him for revealing the king's
secrets concredited to his privacy. Hereupon at-
torney Noy was employed to put the same into an
information in the Star-chamber, unto which bishop
Williams, by good advice of counsel, did plead and
demur, as containing no matter fit for the cogni-
zance of that court, as concerning words spoken of
matters done in parliament and secrets pretended
to be revealed by him, a privy councillor and peer
of parliament, and therefore not to be heard but in
that high court. This demurrer being heard and
argued by counsel pro and con in open court for
two or three hours, (the lord keeper and other lords
there present finding no cause nor colour to over-
rule it,) was referred to judge Richardson, (who
126
The Church History
BOOK XI.
Deaerteth
his intents
of com-
pounding
with the
king.
A.p. 1637. lately having singed his coat from blasts at the
J 1 court,) by him to be smothered, who in a private
chamber presently after dinner overruled the same
in a quarter of an houre.
79. The demurrer thus rendered useless in the
bishop's defence, he used what means he could by
the lord Weston (a proper person, because treasurer,
to meddle in money matters) to compound with his
majesty ; but his majesty resolved to have the
bishop's answer, and confession of his fault, before
he would compound with him. Whereupon the
bishop, quitting all thoughts of composition, resolved
to weather out the tempest of his majesty's dis-
pleasure at open sea, either out of confidence of the
strength of his tackling, his own innocence, or skill
of his pilots, who were to steer his suit, having the
learnedest counsel of the land by whose advice he
put in a strong plea, which likewise being argued
and debated in open court, came at last to the same
untimely end with the demurrer, as referred to
e [ Fuller has omitted a very
important item in the charges
brought against bishop Wil-
liams, the first, the foundation
of all the rest. It is thus no-
ticed in a letter addressed to
lord Strafford : " Four of the
" prebends of Westminster have
" given to the lords of the
M council a charge by way of
" several articles against the
" bishop of Lincoln, as dean
" of Westminster, the other
eight complain not. The king
is made acquainted therewith,
" and it is referred to some of
" the council to examine the
" business and report it to the
" king." This was a charge
a
u
of embezzlement of money be-
longing to the cathedral, as
may be seen by the notes on
§. 93. Strafford's Letters, i.
p. 360. As for his cause in the
Star-chamber, he was fully par-
doned in Dec. 1635; DUt not
so this contention with the
prebends ; for as there were
stili great quarrels between
them in January, 1636, a com-
mission was appointed by bis
majesty to hear and decide be-
tween them. See ibid. p. 5 1 1 .
And in the February following
the college of Westminster put
in a bill against the bishop for
tampering with witnesses. lb.
p. 516.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 127
judge Richardson, and smothered by him in a*. 1x1637.
13 Chat. 1.
chamber1.
80. This plea thus overruled, the bishop put in Puts in an
68D£cial an-
an especial answer to the information, declaring how H«er.
all was grounded by a conspiracy and combination
of the persons named in the bill, to wit, (Lambe,
Sibthorpe, Allen, and Burden,) out of an intent to
advance themselves, and hatred they bare to him,
for not permitting them to poll and pill the king's
subjects in Leicestershire, in their ecclesiastical
courts, by hauling them into their nets ex officio
mero without any previous complaint, under an
imaginary colour of puritanism. To this especial
answer attorney Noy rejoined in issue, admitting
the bishop to prove his especial matters, who pro-
ceeded to the examination of his witnesses therein.
81. Now began attorney Noy to crow weary ofKi,v?rt?n-
the matter, and became slow and remiss in the pro- m* prwecu-
tor.
secution thereof, whether out of respect to the
bishop, whom he honoured, (though tart in terms
against him, to please a greater prelate,) or out of
consciousness that more weight was hung thereon
than the slender wires of the cause would bear.
Hereupon Richard Kilvert was entertained to fol-
low the suit, (though not entering himself as he
ought prosecutor upon record,) at the best being
a necessary evil, to do what an honest man would
be ashamed of. Indeed, like an English mastiff, he
would fiercely fly upon any person or project, if set
on with promise of profit, and having formerly made
his breakfast on sir John Bennet, he intended to
dine and sup on the bishop. And though his strength
* [Thin must refer to an died in Feb. 1635. See Straf-
period, as this judge ford's Letters, i. p. 369.]
128 The Church History book xt.
a.d. 1637. consisted much in a cunning head, yet far more in
— 1 an able back, and seconded in this suit and abetted
from the court in his undertakings. This Kilvert so
wrought himself into Warren, an examiner of the
Star-chamber, that (some say) contrary to his oath he
revealed unto him that the testimony of one John
Pregion, register of Lincoln and Leicester, was most
material in the bishop his defence?.
Pnsion,a gg. Then was it Kilvert his design to uncredit
principal °
witnewof the testimony of Pregion, by charging him with
the bishop, , • 1 1 • 11
much mo- several accusations, particularly getting a bastard,
though being no matters upon record, to take away
the validity of his witness. The bishop apprehend-
ing himself necessitated to weigh up Pregion his
repute, engaged himself more zealously therein than
was conceived consistent with the gravity of so great
a prelate for so inconsiderable a person. Especially
to such who knew not that Dr. Morrison and this
Pregion were the only persons of note present at
the bishop his table when the discourse passed
betwixt him and sir John Lambe. The bastard
laid to his charge is bandied at Lincoln sessions
backward and forward betwixt Pregion and another.
The first court fathers it upon him, the next freed
him from it, and a third returned it upon him again.
This last order of sessions was again dissolved as
illegal by the judges of the king's bench, and Pre-
gion cleared from the child charged on him ; sir John
Mounson, a justice of that county appearing very
pctive against him, and the bishop no less earnest in
his behalf.
* [Heylin in "The Appeal/* but so slight that it is scarcely
&c- partiii. p. 23, gives a slightly worth quoting.]
different version of this tale,
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
129
83. Here happened the occasion of that which A,1il63,7*
was afterwards so highly charged and heavily cen
sured on the bishop Williams, viz. tampering totionufper-
suborn witnesses. Henceforward Kilvert let fall^/^"
his first information, which from this day sunk inb",h°H-
silence, and employed all his power on the proof of
subornation. That ban- dog let go his first hold,
too hard for his teeth to enter, and fastened his
fangs on a softer place, so to pinch the bishop to
purpose; yea, so expensive was the suit, that the
bishop (well skilled in the charge of charitable
works) might with the same cost have built and
endowed a small college.
84. Some days before the hearing, a noble lord *» vain «-
. deavonreth
of his majesty's council", the bishop's great friend, a composi-
tion with
" of cunning and malice. I the king.
b [He probably refers to Cot-
tington, who had at this time a
quarrel with his former friend
the archbishop, for refusing to
use his influence (as it seems)
in procuring Cottington the
treasurer's place. In a letter,
dated Aug. 4, 1635, Cotting-
ton tells Strafforde ; " Trust
" me, (for I always tell you
M the truth,) there is no more
" intention in the king to make
" me his treasurer, than to
" make you archbishop of Can-
" terbury. I go sliding back
" very visibly, I go so seldom
" to the court, as I am scarce
a courtier. I do never see
** the king but on Sundays,
" nor speak with him at all,
except he call me, which is
also very seldom. Credit I
" have none at all with his
" majesty, much less power.
" Where then is your staff?
" Such a rumour hath indeed
" been raised, but merely out
FULLER, VOL. VI.
<«
«•
«•
" know by whom. All
" this is true, as any man who
" observes any thing can tell
" you. If you should ask
" me then, who the king will
" give the staff to, I answer,
" that in my opinion it will be
" either to your lordship, or to
" my lord of Canterbury. His
" grace declares much his dis-
" pleasure against me, and per-
" adventure it increaseth by my
" taking no notice of it ; but
" that which is worst of all,
" they say, he can never be re-
" conciled where once he takes
" displeasure." — Strafforde's
Letters, i. p. 449. Shortly
after this we find the archbishop
writing to his friend the lord
deputy these very sententious
and pregnant lines: "In the
" mean time take this, Cotting-
44 ton is bringing off the bishop
" of Lincoln ; which, certainly
" among other good causes and
K
ISO
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1637. interposed himself to compound the matter, pre-
— LI vailing so far that on his payment of two thousand
«
«
<t
•<
" considerations him thereunto
" moving, is to do me a great
" kindness, for he knows he
" loves me heartily." lb. p. 480.
In another letter of the same
collection, written about a fort-
night after this, it is stated by
another writer : " They say the
" lord bishop of Lincoln's par-
" don is ready to pass the great
seal, with a perfect redinte-
gration into the king's favor,
" abolition of all old matters,
and my lord Cottington had
a great hand in it. The four
" youngest prebends of West-
" minster have eagerly bonded
" themselves against him lately
" divers ways." Ibid. p. 489.
In his diary Laud makes a brief
allusion to these troubles, but
so very briefly that he throws
no light on the matter. " May,
" June, and July. In these
" months the troubles at the
44 commission for the treasury,
" and the difference which hap-
pened between the lord Cot-
tington and myself, &c." and
a little below ; " during the
" commission for the treasury,
" my old friend, sir F. W[in-
" debanke], forsook me and
" joined with the lord Cotting-
" ton; which put me to the
" exercise of a great deal of
" patience."
To this note, which is already
overgrown, I must beg the
reader's pardon for subjoining
an extract from lord Claren-
don's History ; but it forms so
admirable a comment upon the
whole of these proceedings, and
brings out the characters of the
c«
<•
€€
ti
*<
€t
archbishop and his wily adver-
sary so clear and forcibly, that
I cannot refrain from extract-
ing it.
Speaking of Juxon's appoint-
ment to the treasury, he ob-
serves : " In the mean time the
" archbishop himself was infi-
" nitely pleased with what was
" done, (how very true this is,
" see his Diary, p. 53,) and un-
" happily believed he had pro-
" vided a stronger support for
" the church ; and never abated
any thing of his severity or
rigor towards men of all con-
" ditions, or in the sharpness of
" his language and expressions,
" which was so natural to him,
" that he could not debate any
thing without some commo-
tion, when the argument was
" not of moment, nor bear con*
" traduction in debate, even in
'* the council, where all men
" are equally free, with that
" patience and temper that was
" necessary ; of which they
" who wished him not well
" took many advantages, and
" would therefore contradict
" him, that he might be trans-
" ported with some indecent
" passion ; which, upon a short
" recollection, he was always
" sorry for, and most readily
" and heartily would make ac-
" knowledgment. No man so
" willingly made unkind use of
" all those occasions as the
" lord Cottington, who, being
" a master of temper, and of
" the most profound dissimu-
" 1 at ion, knew too well how to
" lead him into a mistake, and
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
181
pound the suit should be superseded in the Star- a. d. 1637.
chamber, and he freed from further molestation.— — — 1
But at this lord's return the price was risen in the
market, and besides the aforesaid sum it was de-
manded of him, that to procure his peace he must
part with his deanery of Westminster, parsonage of
Walgrave, and prebend of Lincoln, which he kept
in commend am. To this the bishop answered, that
he would in no case forego those few remainders of
the favour which his dead master king James had
conferred upon him.
85. Not long after another bargain was driven, Frustrated
by the well intended endeavours of the same lord; hi? great7
that seeing his majesty at that time had much occa- adver8ary*
sion for moneys, if he would but double the former
gum, and lay down four thousand pounds, he should
be freed from further trouble, and might go home
with all his parcels about him. The bishop returned,
that he took no delight to fence at law with his
sovereign, and thankfully embracing the motion pre-
pared himself for the payment ; when a great ad-
versary stepping in, so violented his majesty to a
trial, that all was not only frustrated, but this
€*
C«
ti
'* then drive him into choler,
" and then expose him upon
" the matter and the manner
" to the judgment of the com-
pany; and he chose to do
this most when the king was
present, and then he would
" aine with him the next day."
Rebellion, i. p. 1 76. The last
remark is admirable. Yet cun-
ning and wily as was Cotting-
ton, it seems that he was de-
ceived in this matter of the
treasuryship, and that Went-
worth, to whom he complained,
was the first person to whom
he owed this opposition to his
wishes. At all events, we find
Laud acknowledging Cot ting-
ton's capacity, and then asking
Strafforde this question: "But
•' I would fain hear from your
lordship, how you think bu-
siness would be carried by that
" (Cottington's) hand. For
" what I think, both in regard
" of king and church, I have
" written to you already." Let-
ters, i. p. 43 8. Unfortunately, we
have not the deputy's answer.]
k 2
€t
(€
13£ The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1637. afterwards urged against the bishop, to prove him
— — ^- conscious of a crime, from his forwardness to enter-
tain a composition.
wmuJT^ **6. The day of censure being come, sir John
Finch, lord chief justice, fined the bishop ten thousand
pound for tampering to suborn witnesses ; secretary
Windebank concurred with (that little bell being
the loudest and shrillest in the whole peal) as who
alone motioned to degrade him ; which was lustily
pronounced by a knight and layman, having no pre-
cedent for the same in former ages. The other
lords brought the fine down to eight thousand
pound, and a thousand marks to sir John Mounson,
with suspension ab officio et beneftcio, and imprison-
ing him during the king's pleasure. The earl of
Arundel added, that the cause in itself was extra-
ordinary, not so much prosecuted by the attorney,
as immediately by the king himself recommended
to their justice. Manchester, lord privy seal, said
that this was the first precedent, wherein a master
had undone himself to save his servant *.
To which 87. The archbishop of Canterbury did consent
fthopof thereunto, aggravating the fault of subornation of
did^ncur perjury, with a pathetical speech of almost an hour
long, shewing how the world was above three thou-
sand years old before ripe enough to commit so
great a wickedness, and Jezabel the first in Scrip-
ture branded with that infamy, whose felse wit-
nesses the Holy Spirit refused to name, otherwise
than under the character of men of Belial. Where-
fore, although (as he said) he himself had been five
1 [These speeches are print- Laud's speech is reported here
ed at greater length in Hush- unfairly enough.]
worth's Collections, ii. p. 429.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 183
times down on his knees to his majesty in theA ^•l6*V*
J J 13 Chan. I.
bishops behalf, yet, considering the guilt so great,
he could not but agree with the heaviest censure.
And although some lords, the bishop's friends, as
treasurer Weston, earl of Dorset, &c, concurred in
the fine, with hope the king should have the sole
honour of the mitigation thereof; yet his majesty's
necessities meeting with the person adjudged guilty,
and well known for solvable, no wonder if the
utmost penny of the fine was exacted.
88. At the same time were fined with the bishop Threeof his
servants
George Walker his secretary, Cadwallader Powell fined with
his steward, at three hundred pounds apiece, and
Thomas Lund, the bishop his servant, at a thousand
marks, all as defendants in the same cause k, yet
none of them was imprisoned, save Lund, for a few
weeks, and their fine never called upon unto this
day, which the bishop said was commuted into such
offices as hereafter they were to do in the favour of
Kilvert.
89. To make this our history entire, the matter The com.
shall rather rule the time, than the time the matter, jJSJIJj* JJ"e
in this particular suit. Be it therefore known to linJ"8t p™-
1 oeedings
the reader, that some four years after, viz. I640,again»thim,
when this bishop was fetched out of the tower, and the bishop
restored a peer in parliament, he therein presented l^ment1*^
several grievances, concerning the indirect prosecu-
tion of this cause against him, whereof these the
principal.
First, That his adversaries utterly waved and de-
clined the matter of their first information about
k [These men were fined for them be true. See Heylyn in
being concerned in tampering " The Appeal," &c. part iii.
with the witnesses in Predeon's p. 24.]
case, if the report respecting
K3
184 The Church History book xi.
^3 chl?/" revea"n? *^e king's secrets, as hopeless of success
therein, and sprung a new mine to blow up his
credit, about perjury in the examination of witnesses.
Whereas he conceived it just, that all accidentals
and occasional should sink with the substance of
the accusation, otherwise suits would be endless,
if the branches thereof should still survive when
the root doth expire l.
Secondly, That he was deprived of the benefit
of bringing in any exceptions against the testimonies
of sir John Lambe and Dr. Sibthorp, to prove their
combination against him, because they deposing pro
domino rege, none must impeach the credit of the
king's witnesses, who must be reputed holy and
sacred in what they aver, insomuch that after briefs
were drawn by counsels on both sides, the court was
moved to expunge those witnesses which made most
against the king and for the defendant.
Thirdly, That Kilvert used all ways to menace
and intimidate the bishop his witnesses, frighting
them as much as he could out of their own con-
sciences, with dangers presented unto them. To
this purpose he obtained from secretary Windebank,
that a messenger of the Star-chamber, one Peachy
by name, was directed to attend him all along the
speeding of the commission in the country, with his
coat of arms upon him, with power to apprehend
and close imprison any person whom Kilvert should
appoint, pretending from the secretary warrants for
matters of state, and deep consequence so to do;
by virtue whereof, in the lace of the commission, he
seized on and committed George Walker and Thomas
Lund, two material witnesses for the bishop, and by
1 These complaints I extracted out of the bishop his original.
ceht. zvii. of Britain. 185
the terror thereof chased away many more, whose a. a 1637.
depositions were necessary to the clearing of the -
bishop his integrity; yet when the aforesaid two
prisoners, in the custody of the messenger, were
produced before secretary Windebank, he told them
he had no matters of state against them, but turned
them over to Kilvert, wishing them to give him
satisfaction ; and were not permitted to have their
liberty until after long close imprisonment, they
were forced to confess under their own hands crimes
against themselves and the bishop, which afterwards
they denied and revoked upon their oaths.
Lastly, and chiefly, That the judges privately
overruled his pleas, so that what shame and the
honour of the court, with the inspection of so many
eyes, would not permit to be done publicly in the
sunshine of justice, was posted over by a judge pri-
vately in a corner.
These and many more Kilvertisms, as he calls
them, did the bishop complain of in parliament,
who so far tendered his innocency therein, that they
ordered all the records of that suit in the Star-
chamber to be obliterated. Yea, we may justly
conceive that these grievances of the bishop did
much hasten, if not chiefly cause, the suppression of
that court.
90. Thirteen days after he was suspended by theisexamin-
high commission, and imprisoned in the tower for Se'lEJJU!1
almost four years, during whose durance therein,
two bishops and three doctors were sent thither
unto him to take his answer to a book of articles
of twenty-four sheets of paper written on both sides.
They proffered him the Bible to take the oath
thereon, which he utterly refused, claiming the pri-
k 4
136 The Church History book xi.
a.d. i637.vilege of a peer, adding moreover, that being a
—bishop, it was against law and precedent in anti-
quity, that young priests, his grace's (and some who
had been his own) chaplains, and lay doctors, should
sit as judges of a bishop his doctrine, with power to
deprive him of his bishopric if disliking the same.
This was overruled, and he as one of the king's sub-
jects required to make his answer™,
whether gj Fjret The article that all books licensed by
Mime books J
were onho- his grace's chaplains (as Chune his, and Sales his
book, with doctor Mannering his Sermons) are pre-
sumed by all true subjects to be orthodox, and
agreeable to sound religion. This the bishop utterly
denied, and wondered at their impudency to pro-
pound such an article unto him.
who had 92. Secondly, They alleged, that no bishop but
license his grace, the lord of London, and their chaplains,
had power to allow books. This the other denied,
saying that all bishops, who were as learned as they,
had as much power as they, citing for the same
the council of Lateran under Leo the Tenth, Re-
formatio Cleri, under Cardinal Pole, Queen Eliza-
beth her Injunctions, and the decree of the Star-
chamber relating to all these. He also stoutly
averred the privilege to belong only to the bishops,
and not to their- servants : howbeit his grace had
shuffled in his chaplains to the last printed Star-
chamber decree. More frivolous were the ensuing
articles whereon he was examined.
m [Fuller has committed Rush worth, or in the MS. re-
many errors in this account of ports which I have met with.
Williams. The articles here Hacket, however, has copied
mentioned are not to be found them into his narrative. Ibid,
in the reports of his trial, either p. 130.]
in those which are printed in
cent. xvii. of Britain. 187
That he called a book entitled " A Coal from the a.d. 1637
« Altar," a pamphlet. '3ChaaL
That he said that all flesh in England had cor-
rupted their ways.
That he said scoffingly he had heard of a mother
church, but not of a mother chapel, meaning the
king's, to which all churches in ceremonies were to
conform.
That he wickedly jested upon St. Martin's hood.
That he said that the people are not to be lashed
by every man's whip.
That he said (citing a national council for it) that
the people are God's and the king's, and not the
priests' people.
That he doth not allow priests to jeer and make
invectives against the people.
93. To all which the bishop made so wary anHUcau-
answer, that no advantage could be gained thereby ;8wl£.an"
yea, though some days after they returned to re-
examine him upon the same articles, to try as he
thought the steadiness of his memory, or else to
plunge him into some crime of perjury, if in any
material point he dissented from his former depo-
sitions; but the bishop, like a good boy, said his
lesson over again and again, so that no advantage
could be taken against him, and thereupon they
gave him leave to play, proceeding no further in
this cause, only they painted him out in an ugly
shape to the king, as disaffected to the present
government, and, God willing, we shall hear more
of their proceedings against him hereafter11.
n [The following particulars ceedings in the Star-chamber
from a MS. in the Harleian against the bishop of Lincoln
Collection respecting the pro- have not hitherto been noticed
\
188
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A. D. 1637
13CI1M.I.
Transition
to a sad
•abject.
• 94. But now we are gammoned to a sadder sub-
ject, from the sufferings of a private person, to the
a
u
€t
««
«
<*
by his biographers, and may
serve to correct several errors
into which they have fallen.
Pory to Puckering, Nov. 1,
1632. "My lord bishop of
" Lincoln was at first summon-
" ed up to the Star-chamber by
a writ from my lord keeper,
as peers used to be, but hav-
" ing excused his not coming
up for default of health, he
' was then served with a writ
as a common man, fol. 184,
" Nov. 15, 1632. On Mon.
" day I was told by the clerk
" of the entries of the Star-
" chamber, there is now a bill
" really exhibited into that
" court against my lord bishop
of Lincoln, which chargeth
his lordship (as the same
" clerk upon superficial view
" tells me) with spreading
" false news and rumours, with
" disclosing secrets out of coun-
" sels, and with extortion in
" some things while he was
" lord keeper When the
" bill was brought into him by
" Mr. attorney's clerk, (so sir
" C. Y. tells me,) he said
somewhat merrily unto him,
' You mistake the party,
(quoth he,) the bill belongs
" to the earl of Lincoln, and
" not to the bishop.' The mes-
" senger replied ; ' If it please
" your lordship to peruse it,
" you shall find it concerns the
" bishop only.'" fol. 183.
Jan. 24, 1633. " My lord
bishop of Lincoln, notwith-
standing the last term's Star*
" chamber bill put in against
" him was overthrown by a
«*
a
€<
<•
• «
" demurrer and taken off the
" file, is against this term cited
*' both by letter and subpoena
" to appear and answer in that
" court to a new bill which
" Mr. attorney hath framed
" against him." fol. 188. April
13, 1636, E. R. to sir T. Puck,
ering. "The commission which
" has been a-foot every Mon-
" day these two months, upon
" the prebends of Westmin-
" ster's complaints against the
" bishop of Lincoln, is now
" put off till the Monday after
" Easter week. Monday, the
" last week, he had a very ill
day ; a new charge is lately
risen up against him, that his
lordship hath received out
of the prebends' allowances
u 3300/. towards the repara-
" tion of the abbey church ;
" they charge him he hath not
" laid out half the money, and
" that he keeps the rest. His
" lordship saith a bargain is a
" bargain, and gives in no ac-
" count ; but his grace told his
lordship ; ' It was a base bar-
gain,' so requires the bishop
to bring in the accounts,
" which the bishop hath small
" mind unto ; and whether his
" lordship can now make a true
•• account, yes or no, is a great
" question ; because it is said
" his lordship hath made seve-
" ral accounts and then dis-
" liked them again.*' fol. 191.
Jan . 17, 1 63 7 . •• The bishop
" of Lincoln hath sent up to
" the board letters of com*
" plaint against one Shelly,
" an assessor of the ship-money
<t
€t
U
U
(t
(i
t€
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
180
miseries and almost mutual ruin of two kingdoms, a. d. 1637.
England and Scotland. I confess my hands have— Li
«<
Cf
«
"in his lordship's town of
" Bngden, as also against sir
u Robert Osberne, a justice of
* peace thereabouts. The bu-
" siness I cannot learn perfect-
" It: thus I hear it. Because
" the constable did not com-
ply with Shelly in the man-
ner of his assessing, therefore
does Shelly snatch the roll
M out of the constable's hand
u and puts it in his pocket,
M and would not return it back
" again, which the bishop un-
" derstanding, he commits
" Shelly to the jail without bail
" or mainprise ; but sir Robert
" Osberne, approving what
" Shelly would have done, he
" bails him. Of this the bi-
" shop complains, and so pos-
•' sesseth their lordships with his
M letter, as if he had been very
" sesJous to do his majesty ser.
" vice ; which their lordships
do apprehend, and thereupon
return the bishop letters of
" thanks. Yet when this bu-
" siness was in agitation, there
" was an attachment granted
" out of the Star-chamber
court against the bishop for
not bringing in a commission
" for his examination of wit-
u nesses, which his lordship
" having notice of, he sends it
" in before this attachment was
" signed, saying he had thought
" the Star-chamber office had
"not been open during the
" twelve days, and that was the
reason he had delayed the
M putting it in according to the
M day appointed. The bishop's
u cause will be put off till the
•f
«•
*t
M
«f
«
44
" first day in Easter term, be-
" cause before it can come to
" hearing, some orders about
" expunging of witnesses must
" be settled in court in that
" house : but then both bills
" will be ready for hearing.
" Upon the bishop's complaint
" Shelly was sent for up. He
" tells a fair tale for himself,
casting all the blame upon
the bishop, that the lords
" are all astand, and therefore
" they have appointed a day to
" hear all parties. Some say
" that Shelly 's report makesthe
u bishop to have done his ma-
" jesty a great disservice, and
" that he having eight hundred
" acres of land in that town, he
" would have freed it from being
" charged with ship-money, and
" have laid it upon the poorer
" townsmen ; but whether this
" be true, yea or no, I am yet
uncertain, till their lordships
have heard both parties."
fol. 199.
Feb. 14, 1637. " In some
" church within the county of
" Bedford there was lately an
" altar of stone, with four pillars
" altarwise erected. It seems
" there had been one there
" heretofore, for in digging
" thereabouts the altar-stone
" was found in the ground.
" This being complained of to
" the diocesan, the bishop of
" Lincoln, he came to the
" church to see if it were so,
yea or no, and finding it
there, his lordship caused it
in his own presence to be
digged up and to be taken
*<
««
«
M
44
44
140
The Church History
noon XT.
a.d. 1637. al way 8 been unwilling to write of that cold country,
.!£ — * * for fear ray fingers should be frostbitten therewith,
but necessity to make our story entire puts me upon
the employment. Miseries caused from the sending
of the book of service, or new liturgy, thither, which
may sadly be termed a rubric indeed, dyed with the
blood of so many of both nations slain on that
occasion.
The project 95. It seem 9 the design began in the reign of
of a public i . t i-i*iii 1
Prayer-book king James, who desired and endeavoured an uni-
be^imthe£ormjty 0f pUb]jc prayers through the kingdom of
king James. Scotland. In order whereunto an act was passed in
the general assembly0 at Aberdeen, 1616, to au-
thorize some bishops present to compile and frame
a public form of common prayer : and let us observe
the motions thereof.
i. It was committed to the bishops aforesaid, and
principally to the archbishop of St. Andrew's p, and
" quite away, telling the parson
" that if he pleased he might set
" the communion-table there,
44 but altars were forbidden by
" the statute. In that business
" between the bishop and Shel-
" ly, wherein the bishop was so
44 passionate upon the relating
" it to his majesty, the king
" hath commanded the lords to
" allow Shelly grand costs, be-
" cause the bishop hath so
" much troubled him, besides
44 Shelly *s false imprisonment."
fol. 202.
Feb. 7, 1637. "Friday last
" the lords heard that differ-
" ence between the bishop of
" Lincoln and Shelly, as in
44 course of my last. I do hear
" that it did appear on exami-
44 nation that the bishop was
" much to blame. He would
44 have taken in that roll where-
44 in he was seized 11/. or 13/.
44 (I know not whether) to
44 have made a new roll, to have
4< eased himself and to have laid
44 it upon divers poor people
14 that received alms of the pa-
44 rish, (as it was the last year.)
44 The bishop was over-passion-
44 ate, and Shelly was not so
41 dutiful as it became him.
44 The lords spent much time
44 to hear it, but concluded no-
44 thing at all against the bishop,
44 because the king had all his
44 rights." fol. 204.]
o The king's large declara-
tion concerning the tumults in
Scotland, p. 16.
P See the Life of Archbishop
Spot s wood.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 1 41
William Cooper, bishop of Galloway, to draw up the a. D.1637.
order thereof. — — !^I — 1
ii. It was transmitted into England to king James,
who punctually perused every particular passage
therein.
iii. It was remitted with the king's observations,
additions, expunctions, mutations, accommodations,
to Scotland again.
But here the design sunk with the sudden death
of king James, and lay not only dormant but dead ;
till some years after it was awakened, or rather
revived again1).
96. In the reign of king Charles the project being why *dtf-
1 ference l»e-
re8umedr, (but whether the same book or no Godtwixtthe
knowetb,) it was concluded not to send into Scot- Engiinh^i-
land the same liturgy of England totidem verbis, lestturgy*
this should be misconstrued a badge of dependence
of that church on ours. It was resolved also, that
the two liturgies should not differ in substance, lest
the Roman party should upbraid us with weighty
and material differences8. A similitude therefore,
4 [The king desired, as bi- nativity, passion, resurrection,
■bop Guthry tells us in his and ascension, and Whit-Sun-
memoirs, that there should be day. These articles having
t uniformity of worship be- been debated in the general as-
tween the two churches of sembly at St. Andrew's, 1617,
Scotland and England; for this were afterwards concluded in
purpose he recommended to the general assembly at Perth,
the bishops the introduction of 1618, and ratified in parlia-
certain English ceremonies ; as ment, 162 1 . At the same time
1st, That the gesture of kneel- the king was desirous of having
ing should be enforced in re- a liturgy formed after the model
caring the holy communion, of the English ; but this latter
2ndlv, That private baptism design was waived for the pre-
ihould be allowed in cases of sent, in consideration of its
necessity. 3rdly, Private com- unpopularity with the people.
munion in the like case. 4thly, See Guthry, p. 7.]
Confirmation. 5thly, An ob- r [In 1636.]
servance of the great feasts of s King's Declaration, p. 18.
the church, such as our Lord's
143 The Church Hutoty book xi.
a. d. 1637. not identity, being resolved of, it was drawn up
— l_with some, as they termed them, insensible altera-
tions, but such as were quickly found and felt by
the Scotch to their great distaste. These alterations
are of two natures. First, ingratiating, which may
be presumed, made to gain the affection of that
nation. Secondly, distasting, which (if not in the
intent) in the event proved the great grievance and
general cause that the book was hated and rejected.
We will insist on three of the first sort *.
Canonical First, Whereas there was an ancient complaint,
scripture
only used in That so much of the Apocrypha was read in churches,
Liturgy- yvz" about sixty chapters for the first lesson, (from
the 28th of September till the 24th of November,)
canonical scripture is alone appointed to be read
in the Scotch liturgy, one day alone excepted, viz.
All Saints day, when Wisdom iii. and Ecclesiasticus
xiv. are ordered for morning and evening prayer ; on
the same token there wanted not such who said that
those two chapters were left there to keep posses-
sion, that all the rest might in due time be re-
introduced,
^ahwe Secondly, The word priest, often used in the
in declined. English liturgy, gave offence to many, insomuch that
oneu writeth, "To call us priests as touching our
" office, is either to call back again the old priesthood
" of the law, which is to deny Christ to be come, or
" else to keep a memory of the popish priesthood of
" abomination still amongst us ; besides, we never
" read in the New Testament, that the word priest
" (as touching office) is used in the good part."
* [These objections are prin- u Cartwright in his Admo-
ci pally taken from Baillie's nition, cap. iii. div. 1.
avTOKaroKptats, p. 98, sq.]
CBVT. XVII.
of Britain.
148
Whereupon, to prevent exception, it was mollified *• ^J^3/.'
into presbyter in the Scotch rubric.
97. The names of sundry saints, omitted in the Scotch
English, are inserted into the Scotch calendar (but sorted into
only in black letters) on their several days according^.
to the form following :—
JANUARY.
1 1 David, king.
13 Mungo, bishop; in
Latin, KnUigernut.
FEBRUARY.
18 Colman.
MARCH.
11 Constantino III. king.
17 Patrick.
10 Cuthbert.
APRIL.
1 Gilbert, bishop.
20 Serf©, bishop.
MAY.
JUNE.
9 Columba.
JULY.
6 Palladium
AUGUST.
SEPTEMBER.
18 Ninian, bishop.
25 Adaman, bishop.
OCTOBER.
NOVEMBER.
16 Margaret, queen.
27 Ode Virgin.
DECEMBER.
4 Droftane.
Some of these were kings, all of them natives of
that country, (Scotch and Irish in former ages being
effectually the same,) and which in probability might
render them to the favour of their countrymen, some
of them (as Coldman, &c.) zealous opposites to the
church of Rome in the celebration of Easter x.
z [Bat these and other al-
terations were introduced to
conciliate the Scottish nation,
and give their liturgy a nation-
ality, that it might not look like
an imposition from England,
nor that a form of prayer settled
in a parliament at Westminster
should without any alteration
be enforced upon Scotland.
It was feared by the bishops
that this would look like an
attempt, of which that nation
was at this time particularly
jealous, of making Scotland a
province to England. And this
144
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1637. 98. But these Scotch saints were so fer from
13 "' ' making the English liturgy acceptable, that the
Alterations
of addition
probably was one of the rea-
sons why the liturgy of king
Edward VI. was in some points
adopted in preference to that
which now prevails in the
church of England, bishop
Laud being anxious to retain
as nearly as possible that form
of worship and public prayer
which had been authorized and
approved of by the fathers of
the reformation, and to intro-
duce nothing into the church
but what was sanctioned by
their example and authority,
andthatof the primitive church.
We have indeed the positive
declaration of lord Clarendon,
that Laud was opposed to any
;ilteration8 whatever. " He
" foresaw the difficulties which
" would arise in rejecting, or
" altering, or adding to the li-
" turgy, which had so great
" authority, and had by the
" practice of near fourscore
44 years obtained great venera-
" tion from all sober protest-
" ants; and how much easier
" it would be to make objec-
" tions against anything that
" should be new, than against
" the old." Rebellion, i. 150.
The event verified his antici-
pations, but Laud was obliged
to submit to circumstances over
which he hud no control.
The archbishop's own ac-
count of the matter, though
somewhat long, is so exceed-
ingly important, that I shall
make no scruple of introducing
the chief portions of it here.
It is as follows : " Dr. John
" Maxwell, the late bishop of
*<
t€
a
Ross, came to me (Laud)
from his majesty, it was
" during the time of a great
" and dangerous fever, under
" which I then laboured. It
was in the year 1629, in Au-
gust or September. The
" cause of his coming was to
" speak with me about a li-
" turgy for Scotland. At his
" coming I was so extreme ill,
" that I saw him not. After
" this, when I was able to sit
" up, he came to me again, and
" told me it was his majesty's
" pleasure, that I should re-
" ceive instructions from some
" bishops of Scotland concern-
" ing a liturgy for that church ;
" and that he was employed
" from my lord the archbp. of
" St. Andrew's (Spottiswoode),
" and other prelates there about
'• it. I told him I was clear of
" opinion, that if his majesty
" would have a liturgy settled
" there, it were best to take the
" English liturgy without any
" variation, that so the same
service book might be esta-
blished in all his majesty's
" dominions. Which I did then
" and do still think would have
been a great happiness to this
state, and a great honour and
safety to religion. To this
he replied, that he was of a
contrary opinion, and that
" not he only, but the bishops
" of that kingdom thought heir
" countrymen would be much
" better satisfied, if a liturgy
" were framed by their own
" clergy, than to have the Eng-
" lish liturgy put upon them;
a
€t
CC
it
«(
if
it
CENT. XVII.
Of Britain.
145
English liturgy rather made the saints odious unto
them. Such the distasting alterations in the book,
reducible to, i. additions, ii. omissions, iii. variations,
and, iv. transpositions. To instance in the most
material of the first kind.
i. In the baptism these words are inserted, " Sanc-
u tify this fountain of water, thou which art the
" sanctifier of all things*." Which words are en-
joined to be spoken by the minister so often as the
water in the font is changed, which must be at least
twice a month.
ii. In the prayer after the doxology, and before
A. D. 1637.
13 CtlM. I.
in the
Scotch
liturgy.
tt
tt
94
tt
tt
*t
«•
«•
tt
«•
• •
tt
■ «
tt
«
tt
«.
U
«■
• 4
M
tt
«
tt
tt
yet he added, that it might
be according to the form of
oar English service book. I
answered to this, that if this
were the resolution of my
brethren the bishops of Scot-
land. I would not entertain
so much as thoughts about
it, till I might by God's bless-
ing have health and oppor-
tunity to wait upon his ma-
jesty, and receive his farther
directions from himself.
" When I was able to go
abroad I came to his majesty,
and represented all that had
passed. His majesty avowed
the semling of Dr. Maxwell
to me, and the message sent
by him. But then he in-
clined to my opinion, to have
the English service without
any alteration to be establish-
ed there ; and in this con-
dition I held that business,
for two if not three years at
least. Afterwards the Scot-
tish bishops still pressing bis
majesty that a liturgy framed
by themselves, and in some
FULLER, VOL. VI.
«
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
ft
tt
tt
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
««
c«
tt
if
it
tt
tt
tt
ft
few things different from
ours, would relish better with
their countrymen ; they at
last prevailed with his ma-
jesty to have it so, and car-
ried it against me, notwith-
standing all I could say or do
to the contrary. Then his
•
majesty commanded me to
give the bishops of Scotland
my best assistance in this
way and work. I delayed, as
much as I could, with my
obedience, and when nothing
would serve, but it must go
on, I confess I was then very
serious, and gave them the
least help I could. But of
whatsoever I had any doubt,
I did not only acquaint his
majesty with it, but writ
down most of the amend-
ments or alterations in his
majesty's presence. Sure
I am his majesty approved
them all; and I have his
warrant under his royal hand
for all that I did about that
book." Troubles, p. 169.]
7 Fol. 106. pag. 2.
146 The Church History book xi.
A-*J-,637-the communion, this passage (expunged by the
English reformers out of our liturgy) is out of the
ordinary of Sarum inserted in the Scotch prayer
book. " And of thy almighty goodness vouchsafe
" so to bless, and sanctify with thy word and holy
" word, these thy gifts and creatures of bread and
" wine, that they may be unto us the body and
" blood of thy most dearly beloved Son f :" from
which words, saith the Scotch author, all papists *
use to draw the truth of the tran substantiation.
iii. He that celebrateth is enjoined to cover that
which remaineth of the consecrated elements with
a fair linen cloth or corporal b ; a word unknown to
vulgar ears of either nations, in other sense than to
signify an under officer in a foot company, and com-
plained of to be purposely placed here, to wrap up
therein all Romish superstition of Christ's carnal
corporal presence in the sacrament.
iv. In the prayer for the state of Christ's church
militant, these words are added : " And we also
bless thy holy name for all those thy servants,
who having finished their course in faith, do now
" rest from their labours. And we yield unto thee
" most high praise and hearty thanks, for the won-
" derful grace and virtue declared in all thy saints,
" who have been the choice vessels of thy grace
" and the lights of the world in their several gene-
" rations : most humbly beseeching thee that we
" may have grace to follow the example of their
" steadfastness in thy faith, and obedience to thy
holy commandments, that at the day of the general
resurrection, we, and all they which are of the
z Fol. 1 02. pag. 1.
* Baillie's \vroKardKptais, p. 105. b Fol. 103. pag. 2.
cc
cent. xvii. of Britain. 1 47
" mystical body of thy Son, may be set on his right a. d. 1637.
" hand, and hear that his most joyful voice, Come ye — 1
" Messed, &c.c "
99- Amongst the omissions none more complained The most
of than the deleting these words in the delivery of omission.
the bread at the sacrament. " Take and eat this in
u remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed
* on him in thine heart by faith with thanksgiving*."
A passage destructive to transubstantiation, as di-
verting communicants from carnal manducation, and
directing their souls to a spiritual repast on their
Saviour. All which in the Scotch liturgy is cut off
with an Amen from the receiver.
The variations and transpositions are of less
moment, as where the money gathered at the offer-
tory, distributable by the English liturgy to the
poor alone, hath a moiety thereof assigned the
minister, therewith to buy him books of holy divi-
nity, and some prayers are transposed from their
place and ordered elsewhere, whereat some do take
no small exception. Other smaller differences (if
worth the while) will quickly appear to the curious
perusers of both liturgies.
100. Pass we now from the constitution of the The discon-
book to the condition of the Scotch nation, in this^0nofthe
unhappy juncture of time when it was imposed upon j^J^nm'
him. For it found them in a discontented posture, the li}nrey
*■ was first
(and high royalists will maintain, that murmuring brought
, .. • * • j»i«» 1 • 1 . unto them.
and muting against princes diner only in degree, not
in kind,) occasioned on several accounts e.
c Fol. 98. pag. 1 . " occasions, yet they were not
d Fol. 103. pag. 2. " the causes of the war ; reli-
• [" Though liturgy and " gion being but the vizard to
" episcopacy were made the " disguise the business ; which
l2
148
The Chunk History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1637. i. Some years since the king had passed an act
of revocation of crown lands, (aliened in the minority
of his ancestors,) whereby much land of the nobility
became obnoxious to forfeiture. And though all
was forgiven again by the king's clemency f, and
nothing acted hereby to the prejudice of any, yet it
vexed some to hold that as remitted by the king's
bounty, wherein they conceived themselves to be
before unquestionably estated.
ii. Whereas many formerly in Scotland were
rather subjects than tenants, rather vassals than
subjects: such the landlords' princely (not to say
tyrannical) power over them, the king had lately
freed many from such dangerous dependence. Espe-
cially in point of payment of tithes to the lords of
the erection, equivalent to our English lay impro-
priators, (but allowing the landlords a valuable con-
sideration, according to the purchases* of that
country,) whereby the king got the smiles of those
who were most in number, but the frowns of such
who were greatest in power.
iii. Many were offended that at the king's coro-
nation, some six years ago, and a parliament follow-
•t
<«
" covetousnees, sacrilege, and
" rapine, had the greatest hand
in. For the king resolved
to revoke all grants of abbey-
" lands, the lands of bishoprics
" and chapters, and other reli-
" gious corporations, which
having been vested in the
crown by act of parliament,
" were conferred on many of
" the nobility and gentry in
•' his father's minority, when
" he was under protectors.
" Whence the nobility of Scot-
fi
«f
" land made use of discontented
" and seditious spirits (under
" colour of the canons and
" common prayer) to embroil
" that kingdom, that so they
" might keep their lands, and
" hold up their power and
•• tyranny over the people."
Heylyn's Obs. on L' Est range's
Hist, of Charles I. p. 151.]
f The King's Declaration at
large, p. 6.
£ Idem, p. 9.
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
149
ing thereon, an act of ratification was passed con- a. d. 1637.
cerning the church, her liberties and privileges, J !
which some complained of was done without plu-
rality of suffrages.
iv. Some persons of honour desiring higher titles h
were offended that they were denied unto them,
whilst his majesty conferred them on others.
There want not those also who confidently suggest
it to posterity, that pensions constantly payed out of
the English exchequer in the reign of king James
to some principal pastors in the Scottish church
were since detained. So also the bounty of boons
was now restrained in the reign of king Charles,
which could not fall so freely as in the days of his
father, (the cloud being almost drained,) adding
moreover that the want of watering of Scotland
with such showers, made them to chap into such
clefts and chinks of parties and factions disaffected
to the king's proceedings.
101. To increase these distempers, some complain The book
(how justly their own countrymen best know) of blame of all
the pride and pragmaticalness of the Scotch bishops,
who being but probationers on their good behaviour
(as but reintroduced by king James) offended the
ancient nobility with their meddling in state matters.
And I find two principally accused on this account ;
Dr. Forbes, bishop of the new bishopric of Edinburgh*,
■ Pag. 11.
1 [This must be a mistake;
for Forbes, the learned and
pious bishop of Edinburgh,
died in 1634, having held his
bishopric only three months.
He was succeeded by David
Lindsay, a man of great meek-
ness and moderation, who was
unfortunate in this respect, that
he was set over a most turbulent
and insolent province, the fo-
mented of disturbance and trea-
sonable combinations. It is far
more likely that Fuller has mis-
taken him for Maxwell, bishop
of Ross, who was hated by that
paragon of duplicity or folly,
L3
150
Tlte Church History
HOOK XI.
a. d. 1637. and Dr. Wedderbume, bishop of Dumblane. Tims
- ' was the Scotch nation full of discontents, when this
book being brought unto them bare the blame of
their breaking forth into more dangerous designs, as
when the cup is brimful before, the last (though
least) superadded drop is charged alone to be the
cause of all the running over.
The Scotch 102. Besides the church of Scotland claimed not
itandeth on only to be independent, and free as any church in
l^ora" * Christendom, (a sister, not daughter, of England,) but
also had so high an opinion of its own purity, that it
participated more of Moses his platform in the
mount, than other protestant churches, being a re-
formed reformation; so that the practice thereof
might be directory to others, and she fit to give,
not take, write, not receive copies from any neigh-
bouring church, desiring that all others were like
unto them, save only in their afflictions k.
inde-
pendency.
Traquair ; " for he conceived a
" jealousy (and many thought
" not without cause) that the
" bishops intended his fall, to
" the end Mr. John Maxwell,
" bishop of Ross, might be
" made treasurer." Guthry, p.
k [According to lord Claren.
don, the new bishops in Scot-
land had so little interest in
the affections of that nation,
and so little control and au-
thority, that they had not
power to reform and regulate
their own cathedrals, and their
jurisdiction was so much con-
fined that they possessed little
more than the name of episco-
pacy. To redeem them from
this ill conceit, and to increase
their authority, the king made
the archbishop of St. Andrew's
and four or five other bishops
lords of the session. " But this
" unseasonable accumulation of
" so many honours upon them,"
says the noble author, "exposed
" them to the universal envy
" of the whole nobility, many
" whereof wished them well,
" as to their ecclesiastical quali-
" fi cations, but could not en-
" dure to see them possessed
" of those offices and employ-
" ments, which they looked
" upon as naturally belonging
" to themselves ; and then the
" number of them was thought
" too great, so that they over-
" balanced many debates ; and
" some of them, by want of
" temper or want of breeding,
" did not behave themselves
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
151
103. So much for the (complained of) burden ofA.D. 1637.
the book, as also for the sore back of that nation ■ — 1
(galled with the aforesaid grievances) when this L»ud ao-0*
liturgy was sent unto them : and now we must not JJJfSd ™i
forget the hatred they bare to the hand which they J^}^ rf
accused for laying it upon them. Generally they
excused the king in their writings as innocent
therein, but charged archbishop Laud as the prin-
cipal (and Dr. Cosins1 for the instrumental) compiler
thereof, which may appear by what we read in a
writer of that nation, afterwards employed into
England, about the advancing of the covenant be-
twixt both nations, and other church affairs m.
"This unhappy book was his grace's invention;
" if he should deny it, his own deeds would convince
tt him. The manifold letters which in this pesti-
" ferous affair have passed betwixt him and our
prelates are yet extant. If we might be heard,
we would spread out sundry of them before the
convocation house of England, making it clear as
the light, that in all this design his hand hath
ever been the prime stickler; so that upon his
back mainly, nill he will he, would be laid the
u
u
u
u
««
€€
" with that decency in their
" debates towards the greatest
men of the kingdom as in
discretion they ought to have
" done." Rebel, i. 155, see
also 184 sq. Outhry thinks
very reasonably that it was an
appointment of this kind which
first induced Archibald lord
Lorn, the most influential leader
in this Scottish rebellion, to
turn against the bishops. He
was irritated at seeing the office
of chancellor, for which he was
a suitor* bestowed upon the
archbishop of St. Andrew's.
" The like was talked concern-
" ing some others/' he con-
tinues, " who had formerly
" turned that way, and I know
" well there was ground for it,
" yet because the same is not so
" generally understood, as this
" which I have instanced, there-
" fore I forbear to condescend,"
(i. e. to notice it). lb. p. 12.]
1 Baillie, ibid. p. 100.
m [Yet the framing of this li-
turgy was committed to a select
number of the Scottish bishops;
and Laud was scarce consulted.
See Clarendon, ib. p. 1 5 1 , 183.]
152 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1637." charge of all the fruits, good or evil, which from
I ^ Oil HE. I
'* that tree are like to fell on the king's countries n."
Surely if any such evidence was extant, we shall
hear of it hereafter at his arraignment, produced
and urged by the Scotch commissioners.
Thetumuit 104. But leaving the roots to lie under the earth,
burgh at let us look on the branches spreading themselves
reading the &bove ground, and passing from the secret author
book" of this book, behold the evident effects thereof.
No sooner had the dean of Edinburgh began to
read the book in the church of St. Giles, in the
presence of the privy council, both the archbishops,
divers bishops, and magistrates of the city, but
presently such a tumult was raised, that through
clapping of hands, cursing, and crying, one could
neither hear nor be heard. The bishop of Edinburgh
endeavoured in vain to appease the tumult ; whom a
stool aimed to be thrown at him had killed, ° if not
diverted by one present, so that the same book had
occasioned his death and prescribed the form of his
burial, and this hubbub was hardly suppressed by
the lord provost and bailiffs of Edinburgh p.
More am- 105. This first tumult was caused by such whom
siderable _
person* en- 1 find called the scum of the city**, considerable for
thfoause. nothing but their number: but few days after the
cream of the nation (some of the highest and best
quality therein) engaged in the same cause, crying
out, "God defend all those who will defend God's
" cause, and God confound the service book and all
" the maintainers of it V
n [Baillie, ibid. p. 93.] p. 193. Guthry, p. 19.]
0 The King's large Declare- 4 [See the same thing stated
tion, p. 23. by Clarendon, ib. 194. 196.]
P [See an account of these r The King's large Declare?
disturbances in Clarendon, i. tion, p. 37.
c«rr. x*ii.
of Britain.
153
106. The lords of the council interposed their a. d. 1657.
1 11 • • 1 1 3 Chaa. I.
power, and to appease all parties issued out a pro- J
clamation to remove the session (much like to our8j0ntfthe
term in London) to Linlithgow. This abated their St'otch
covenant.
anger as fire is quenched with oil, seeing the best
part of the Edinburghers' livelihood depends on the
session kept in their city; yea so highly were the
people enraged against bishops as the procurers of
all these troubles, that the bishop of Galloway
passing peaceably along the street towards the
council house was waylaid8 in his coming thither,
if by divine providence, and by Frances Stewart,
son to the late earl of Bothwell, he had not with
much ado been got within the doors of the council
house. Indeed there is no fence but flight, nor
* King's large Declaration,
p. 35. [Dr. Sideserfe. This
prelate, who owed his appoint-
ment to Laud, has received
very scanty justice even from
those who were concerned in
some measure to justify him.
(See Guthry, p. 14.) Happily
sir David Dalrymple, one not
likely to be prejudiced in favour
of Laud or any of his friends,
has printed a letter in his Me-
morials of Charles I. which is
greatly to this bishop's honour.
" Mr. Sydeserf, sometime bi-
" shop of Galloway, came here
" five or six weeks ago. I
" could have wished he had
" not come here, as long as I
" had been here, rather to have
" satisfied other men's scruples
" whom I have no intention to
" offend than my own ; for the
" Lord is my witness, to whom
" I must answer at the last
" day, I think there was never
" a more unjust sentence of
" excommunication than that
" which was pronounced against
" some of these bishops, and
" particularly against this man,
" since the creation of the
" world ; and I am persuaded,
" that these who did excom-
" municate him did rather ex-
" communicate themselves from
" God, than him ; for I have
" known him these 29 years,
" and I have never known any
" wickedness or unconscien-
" tious dealing in him ; and 1
" know him to be a learneder
" and more conscientious man
" (although I will not purge
" him of infirmities more than
others) than any of those who
were upon his excommuni-
" cation." p. 73. For the pro-
ceedings against him in the
general assembly the reader
may consult fiaillie's Letters,
No. 10.]
€t
■«
154
The Church History of Britain. book xi.
a.d. 1637. counsel but concealment, to secure any single party
i3Chfts.I.
against an offended multitude.
The au-
thor's
107. These troublesome beginnings afterwards did
cuie,°why occasion the solemn league and covenant, whereby
ta£fcTSi?"the greatest part of the nation united themselves to
object defend their privileges, and which laid the founda-
tion of a long and woful war in both kingdoms.
And here I crave the reader's pardon to break off;
and leave the prosecution of this sad subject to pens
more able to undertake it. For first, I know none
will pity me if I needlessly prick my fingers with
meddling with a thistle which belongs not unto me.
Secondly, I despair of perfect notice of particulars,
at so great a distance of place, and greater of parties
concerned therein. Thirdly, if exact intelligence were
obtained, as ages long ago are written with more
safety than truth, so the story hereof might be
written with more truth than safety. Lastly, being
a civil business, it is aliened from my subject, and
may justly be declined. If any object, that it is
reducible to ecclesiastical story, because one, as
they said, termed this beUum episcopale, "the war
" for bishops V' I conceive it presumption for so
mean a minister as myself (and indeed for any
under that great order) to undertake the writing
thereof.
t [Rather, the war against
bishops. For they shewed their
usual dishonesty in this cove-
nant, pretending that it was
none other than what had been
subscribed in the reign of
James I.; by which artifice
they induced many to subscribe
to it. Whereas in fact " they
" had inserted a clause never
" heard of, and quite contrary
" to the end of that covenant,
•• whereby they obliged them-
" selves to pursue the extirpa-
" tion of bishops, and had the
" confidence to demand the
" same in express terms of the
" king, in answer to a very
" gracious message the king
" had sent them/' Clarend. i
I97-]
SECT. VIII.
TO
HENRY PUCKERING NEWTON*,
SON AND HEIR TO
SIR HENRY PUCKERING NEWTON, BARONET.
No gentleman in this nation is more advantaged to be a A. D. 1637.
scholar born than yourself. You may be free of the city of 11 1
the muses by the copy of your grandfathers. By your
father's side, sir Adam Newton b, tutor to prince Henry ;
* [Henry Puckering New-
ton, son to sir Henry, whom he
did not survive. His grand-
father was dean of Durham in
1606, and tutor of prince
Henry, and created a baronet
in 1620. He died in 1629, and
partly before his death, partly
by bequest after his decease,
rebuilt his parish church of
Charlton, in the diocese of Dur-
ham. He married Dorothy
daughter of sir John Pucker-
ing, knight, lord keeper of the
great seal in the reign of Eliza-
beth. Sir Henry his son took
the surname of Puckering on
succeeding to his estates, and
removed to the priory in War-
wickshire, the seat of his uncle
aforesaid. He fought for his
sovereign at Edge Hill, was
member of parliament for War-
wick, and was of a generous
spirit, a father to the poor, and
a kind benefactor to many of
those who having suffered in
the cause of royalty were yet
neglected by king Charles II.
He died before his son Henry
in 1 700, at the advanced age of
eighty-three. His wife was
Elizabeth daughter of Thomas
Murray, esq., tutor to king
Charles I.]
h [A letter addressed to him
while tutor of prince Henry
respecting the education of a
Mr. Puckering, has been print-
ed by Ellis in his Second Se-
ries, iii. p. 220. See Smith in
vita Pet. Junii, p. 17.]
Bishop
WilliMM
hii second
.56 The Church Histitry book xi.
by your mother's tide, Mr. Murray, tutor to king CharU»c.
If you be not more than an ordinary scholar, it will not
be lest than an extraordinary disgrace : good it not good
where better is expected. But I am confident if your
pains be added to your parts, your prayers to your pains,
God's blessing mill be added to your prayers to crown all
with success.
OW bishop Williams was sentenced
the second time in the Star-chamber
on this occasion : Mr. Lambert Osbald-
ston, schoolmaster of Westminster,
wrote a letter unto him wherein this
passage: "The little vermin the urchin and hocus-
" pocus is this stormy Christinas at true and real
" variance with the leviathan d.** Now the bishop
was accused for divulging scandalous libels on privy
councillors, and that the archbishop of Canterbury
was meant by the former names. The lord treasurer
Weston by the leviathan, because he should have
presented the libellous letter at the receipt thereof
to some justice of peace, and not dispersed the
c [Thomas Murray succeed-
ed air Henry Saville in the pro-
vostshin of Eton 1622, which
he appears to hare held, as did
hit predecessor, by a royal dis-
pensation, both being laymen,
and consequently incompetent
by the Statutes. It is not
a little strange that Murray
should have been a puritan and
disliked subscription, for which
reason he appears to have re-
fused to enter into holy orders j
and still more strange that Wil-
liams, the bishop of Lincoln,
should have lectured him upon
neglect " of subscription and
" other conformities." " I
" schooled him soundly against
" puritanisui," he observes in
a letter to Buckingham, "which
" he disavows, though aome-
" what faintly ; and hope his
" highness [prince Charles] and
" the king will second it." Ca-
bala, p. 264. See also Wood's
Ath. i.467.]
d [This letter, which is print-
ed at full length in Rusbworth,
iii. 803, is dated Jan. 9, 1633,
that is, 1634.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 157
2. The bishop pleaded, that he remembered not A- JJ- ,63T-t
113 v»nss» x.
the receiving of any such letter, that he conceived
no law directs the subject to bring to a justice of
peace enigmas or riddles, but plain literal and
grammatical libels, against a known and clearly
deciphered person. Mr. Osbaldston denied the
words so meant by him, and deposed that he in-
tended one Dr. Spicer a civilian by hocus-pocus,
and the lord Richardson (alive when the letter was
written, but then dead) for the leviathan.
3. Here a paper was produced by Mr. Walker
the bishop's secretary, and found in a bandbox at
Bugden, wherein the bishop had thus written unto
him : " Here is a strange thing, Mr. Osbaldston im-
M portunes me to contribute to my lord treasurer's
u use some charges upon the little great man, and
" assures me they are mortally out. I have utterly
" refused to meddle in this business, and I pray you
** learn from Mr. S. and Mr. H. if any such falling
•* out be, or whether somebody hath not gulled the
schoolmaster in these three last letters, and keep
it to yourself what I write unto you. If my lord
treasurer would be served by me, he must use a
more near, solid, and trusty messenger, and free
" me from the bonds of the Star-chamber, ehe let
them fight it out for me c." Now Mr. Walker
being pressed by a friend why he would discover
this letter to his master's prejudice, averred he
brought it forth as a main witness of his innocency,
and as able to clear him of all in the information :
however it was strongly misunderstood, for by com-
paring both letters together the court collected the
bishop guilty f.
• [This letter is also at full f [In refutation of the bi-
length in Rushworth, ib.] shop's defence, the attorney
u
u
<«
«<
158
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1638. 4. Sir John Finch fined him a just ten thousand
11 1 pounds, rotundi numeri causa, whom secretary
Windebank p did follow. The rest brought it down
to eight thousand pounds only, one lord thought
fitting to impose no fine upon him, rendering this
reason, quijacet in terra non habet unde cadet
5. The bishop already being sequestered from all
his temporal lands, spiritual preferment, and his
person imprisoned, Mr. Osbaldston was sentenced
five thousand pounds, loss of his good living at
Wethamstead, and to have his ears tacked to the
pillory in the presence of his scholars, whom his
industry had improved to as great eminency of
learning as any of his predecessors, insomuch that
he had at the present above fourscore doctors, in
the two universities, and three learned faculties, all
gratefully acknowledging their education under him.
But this last personal penalty he escaped by going
beyond Canterbury, conceived seasonably gone be-
yond the seas, whilst he secretly concealed himself
in London h.
6. All this put not a period to the bishop's
troubles ; his unsequestered spirit so supported him,
that some of his adversaries frowned because he
general urged, that this inter-
pretation would not serve ; be-
cause these letters were found
in a box in the bishop's house
at Bugden ; and when the bi-
shop heard they were found, he
said Osbaldston was undone.
That the bishop's secretary,
Walker, and the clerk of the
kitchen, had heard their master
discourse on the subject of these
letters, that these names were
frequently used by him and
Osbaldston, and that by them
was meant the archbishop and
the treasurer. Rushworth, ib.
P. 8340
8 [Not only Windebanke,
but some others.]
h [And this principally by
the connivance of archbishop
Laud, as Heylyn assures us.
See "The Appeal" &c. part iii.
p. 25. He had fled, however,
before the trial ended, Rush-
worth, p. 806, as it was report-
ed, but in reality concealed
himself in Drury Lane.]
cent. xvii. qf Britain. 159
could smile under so great vexatious. A design ^A'^\^3f'
8et afoot, either to make him voluntarily surrender
his bishopric deanery, and dignities, (permitted per-
chance a poor bishopric in Ireland,) or else to press
his degradation : in order whereunto a new informa-
tion with ten articles is drawn up against him,
though for the main, but the consequence and de-
ductions of the fault for tampering with witnesses,
for which in the 13th of king Charles he had been
so severely censured.
7. To this the bishop put in a plea, and demurrer,
that Deus nonjudicat bis in id ipsum, God punisheth
not the same fault twice: that this is the way to
make causes immense and punishments infinite :
that whereas there was two things that philosophers
denied, infiniteness and vacuity, Kilvert had found
them both in this prosecution; infiniteness in the
bishop's cause, and vacuity in his purse: that the
profane wits of this age should begin to doubt of
the necessity of believing a hell hereafter, when
such eternal punishments are found here in such
kind of prosecution: he added also that he could
prove it, that it was a conspiracy of Kil vert's with
other persons, if he might have freedom to bring
his witnesses against them; which, because it cast
scandal on those who were pro domino rege, was
now denied him.
8. Then put he in a rejoinder and an appeal unto
the next parliament, whensoever it should be assem-
bled, pleading his privilege of peerage as his free-
hold, and that he could not be degraded of his
orders and dignities. This was filed in the Star-
chamber under the clerk's book, and copies thereof
signed with the usual officers. Now although this
160 Tike Church History book xi.
a.d. 1630. was but a poor help, no light of a parliament dawn-
— — ^L-l ing at that time ; yet it so far quashed the proceed-
ings, that it never came to further hearing, and the
matter superseded from any final censure.
Scotch 9. And now began Scotland to be an actor, and
roi begin, g^^j ^M ye^ a ^j 8pectator thereof, as sus-
pecting ere long to feel what she beheld. There is
a high hill in Cumberland called Skiddaw, and an-
other answering thereto (Scrussell by name) in
Anandale in Scotland, and the people dwelling by
have an old rhyme :
if Skiddaw i hath a cap,
Scrussle wots full well of that.
Meaning, that such the vicinity (and as I may say
sympathy) betwixt these two hills, that if one be
sick with a mist of clouds, the other soon after is sad
on the like occasion. Thus none, seeing it now foul
weather in Scotland, could expect it fair sunshine in
England, but that she must share in the same mise-
ries ; as soon after it came to pass.
The reader 10. Let those who desire perfect information
othTrau- hereof, satisfy themselves from such as have or may
thors* hereafter write the history of the state k. In whom
they shall find how king Charles took his journey
northward, against the Scottish covenanters. How
some weeks after, on certain conditions, a peace was
concluded betwixt them. How his majesty returned
to London ; and how this palliated cure soon after
brake out again, more dangerous than ever before.
AparKa- H. In these distracted times a parliament was
1 Camden's Brit, in Cumber, son's Reign of King Charles,
p. 767. p. 247. Clarendon's Rebellion.
k [See L'Estrange, Reign of 1.201. Burnet's Memoirs of the
King Charles, p. 165. Sander. Dukes of Hamilton, p. x 16.]
CENT. XVII.
of Britain,
161
called with the wishes of all, and hopes of most that a. d. 1638.
were honest, yet not without the fears of some who - — ^-^
were wise, what would be the success thereof !. convocation
With this parliament began a convocation; all thecall6d'
mediate transactions (for aught I can find out) are
embezzled; and therein it was ordered, that none
present should take any private notes in the house,
. whereby the particular passages thereof are left at
great uncertainty™. However, so far as I can
remember, I will faithfully relate", being comforted
with this consideration, that generally he is ac-
counted an impartial arbitrator who displeaseth both
sides.
12. On the first day thereof Dr. Turner, chaplain Doctor
to the archbishop of Canterbury, made a Latin text and
sermon in the quire of St. Paul's. His text, M atth. Bepmon*
x. 16, Behold, I send you forth as sheep in the midst
of wolves". In the close of his sermon he com*
plained, that all bishops held not the reins of church
discipline with an even hand, but that some of them
were too easy and remiss in the ordering thereof.
Whereby whiles they sought to gain to themselves
the popular praise of meekness and mildness, they
occasionally cast on other bishops (more severe than
themselves) the unjust imputation of rigour and
tyranny; and therefore he advised them all with
1 [Of the proceedings of this
parliament, see Clarendon's Re-
bell ion t i. 232.]
m [A long account of it how-
ever will be found in Nalson's
Collections, i. 35 1, a work un-
dertaken by the advice and
assistance of abp. Sancroft, and
therefore very trustworthy in
these points. The only order
FULLER, VOL. VI.
however, as to silence, of which
Fuller speaks in this passage,
related to the canons then to
be proposed, an order made by
the house themselves. See
Nalson, ib. p. 363.]
" [Our author was proctor
for Bristol on this occasion.]
0 [See Wilkins' Cone, iv,
P- 5*8.]
M
162 771 e Church History book xi.
a.d. i64o. equal strictness to urge an universal conformity.
- — Sermon ended, we chose Dr. Stewart, dean of Chi-
chester, prolocutor p.
The effect 13. Next day of sitting we met at Westminster,
bishop's in the chapel of king Henry the Seventh, both the
Bpeech# houses of convocation being joined together, when
the archbishop of Canterbury entertained them with
a Latin speech, well nigh three quarters of an hour
gravely uttered, his eyes ofttimes being but one
remove from weeping. It consisted most of generals,
bemoaning the distempers of the church, but con-
cluded it with a special passage, acquainting us how
highly we were indebted to his majesty's favour, so
far intrusting the integrity and ability of that convo-
cation, as to empower them with his commission, the
like whereof was not granted for many years before,
to alter old, or make new canons for the better
government of the church^.
The just 14. Some wise men in the convocation began now
suspicions ^ ^ jeaioug 0f the event of new canons, yea, became
fearful of their own selves, for having too great power,
lest it should tempt them to be over tampering in
innovations. They thought it better, that this convo-
cation, with its predecessors, should be censured for
laziness, and the solemn doing of just nothing, rather
than to run the hazard by over activity to do any-
thing unjust. For, as waters long dammed up, oft-
times flounce and fly out too violently, when their
sluices are pulled up, and they let loose on a sudden;
so the judicious feared, lest the convocation, whose
power of meddling with church matters had been
P [Dr. Richard Stewart, Nalson's Collections, i. 358/]
clerk of his majesty's closet. 4 [This commission is print-
Heylyn's Laud, p. 423. See also ed in Nalson, ib. p. 358.]
men.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 163
bridled up for many years before, should now, en- a. d. i64o.
abled with such power, overact their parts, espe- ^Ll
cially in such dangerous and discontented times.
Yea, they suspected, lest those who formerly had
outrun the canons with their additional conformity,
(ceremonizing more than was enjoined,) now would
make the canons come up to them, making it neces-
sary for others, what voluntarily they had practised
themselves.
15. Matters began to be in agitation, when on a The pariia-
sudden the parliament (wherein many things were deniy du-
started, nothing hunted down or brought to per-8°v
fection) was dissolved. Whilst the immediate cause
hereof is commonly cast on the king and court,
demanding so many subsidies at once, (England
being as yet unacquainted with such prodigious
payments,) the more conscientious look higher and
remoter, on the crying sins of our kingdom. And
from this very time did God begin to gather the
twigs of that rod, (a civil war,) wherewith soon after
he intended to whip a wanton nation.
16. Next day the convocation came together, asVetthe
. i /» ii convocation
most supposed, merely meeting to part, and finally Rtiii con-
to dissolve themselves. When, contrary to general ,nue**
expectation, it was motioned, to improve the present
opportunity, in perfecting the new canons which
they had begun. And soon after a new commission
was brought from his majesty, by virtue whereof we
were warranted still to sit, not in the capacity of a
convocation, but of a synod, to prepare our canons
for the royal assent thereunto. But Dr. Brownrigg,
Dr. Hacket, Dr. Holdsworth, Master Warmistreyr,
r [Proctor for Worcester.]
M S
164
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1640. with others, to the number of thirty-six, (the whole
1 house consisting of about six score8,) earnestly pro-
tested against the continuance of the convocation1.
* [The house consisted of
147 members according to the
list printed, see Nalson. Some
of course would not be pre-
sent.]
1 [Dr. Heylyn and Fuller
were both present at this con-
vocation, but vary in their nar-
ratives respecting its proceed-
ings, which isnot to be wondered
at, since the circumstances re-
ferred to occurred sixteen years
l>efore their controversy. Dr.
Heylyn says : "I have not
" heard of any such motion as
" our author speaks of from
" any who were present at that
" time, though I have dili-
" gently laboured to inform
" myself in it. Nor is it pro-
" bable, that any such motion
" should be made as the case
" then stood. The parliament
" had been dissolved on Tues-
" day, 5th May ; the clergy
met in convocation the mor-
row after, expecting then to
" be dissolved and licensed to
" go home again. But con-
44 trary to that general expccta-
" (io?iy instead of hearing some
" news of his majesty's writ
" for their dissolution, there
" came an order from the arch-
" bishop to the prolocutor to
" adjourn till Saturday. And
M this was all the business that
" was done that day ; the
" clergy generally being in no
" small amazement, when they
*' were required not to dissolve
" till further order. Saturday
" (9th May) being come, what
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then ? • A new commission/
saith he, ' was brought from
his majesty, by virtue where-
of we were warranted to sit,
not in the capacity of a con-
vocation, but of a synod. ' I
had thought our author with
his wise and judicious friends
had better hearkened to the
tenour of that commission,
than to come out with such
a wild and gross absurdity as
this is, so fit for none as sir
Edward Deering, and for
him only to make sport withal
in the house of commons.
At the beginning of the con-
vocation, when the prolo-
cutor was admitted, the abp.
produced his majesty's com-
mission under the great seal;
whereby the clergy was en-
abled to consult, treat of,
and conclude such canons,
as they conceived most ex-
pedient to the peace of the
church and his majesty's ser-
vice. But this commission
being to expire with the end
of the parliament, it became
void, of no effect as soon as
the parliament was dissolved.
Which being made known
unto the king, who was re-
solved the convocation should
continue, and that the clergy
should go on in completing
those canons which they had
so happily begun, he caused
a new commission to be sent
unto them, in the same words
and to the very same effect
as the other was, but that it
CENT. XVII.
of' Britain.
165
17- These importunately pressed that it might sink a.d. 1640.
with the parliament, it being ominous and without
" was to continue durante be-
14 neplacito only, as the other
" was not. The Appeal, &c."
P. iii. p. 33.
These remarks of Dr. Hey-
lyn are without doubt substan-
tially correct, as they agree
with the statement made by
the archbishop on his trial.
And as his narrative of these
events supplies »ome deficiencies
in Fuller's account, and cor-
rects some of his errors, I
have quoted it at considerable
length. The following is the
archbishop's version of these
occurrences :
" During this parliament the
" clergy had agreed in convo-
" cation to give his majesty six
" subsidies, payable in six years,
" which come to 20,000/. a
" year for six years, but the
" act of it was not made up.
" His majesty seeing what lay
" upon him, and what fears
*■ there were of the Scots, was
" not willing to lose these sub-
M sidies, and therefore thought
" upon the continuing of the
" convocation, though the par-
" liament was ended, but had
" not opened those thoughts of
" his to me.
" Now I had sent to dissolve
" the convocation at their next
*' sitting, haste and trouble of
these businesses making me
forget, that I was to have the
king's writ for the dismissing
" as well as the convening of
** it. Word was brought me
" of this from the convocation
" bouse, while I was sitting in
M council and his majesty pre-
M
•«
M
" sent. Hereupon, when the
" council rose, I moved his
'* majesty for a writ : his ma-
" jesty gave me an unlookedfor
" reply, That he was witling
" to have the subsidies which
•• we had granted him, and
" that we should go on with the
*r finishing of those canons which
" he had given us power under
t( the broad seal of England
" to make. And when I re-
" plied it would be excepted
" against, in all likelihood by
" divers, and desired his ma-
" jesty to advise well upon it,
" the king answered me pre-
" sently, that he had spoken
" with the lord-keeper, the
" lord Finch, about it, and that
" he assured him it was legal.
" / confess I was a little trou-
" bled] both at the difficulties
" of the time, and at the answer
" itself; that a/ler so many
" years* faithful service, in a
" business concerning the church
t€ so nearly, his majesty wotdd
" speak with the lord-keeper,
" both without me, and before
" he would move it to me, and
" somewhat I said thereupon
" which pleased not; but the
l< particulars I remember not.
" Upon this, I was command-
u ed to sit and go on with the
M convocation. At first, some
" little exception was taken
" there by two or three of the
" lower house of convocation,
" whether we might sit or no.
" I acquainted his majesty with
" the doubt, and humbly be-
" sought him, that his] learned
" council, and other persons of
M 3
166
T/te Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. i64o. precedent, that the one should survive, when the
" other was expired. To satisfy these, an instrument
dissent* was brought into synod, signed with the hands of
^against 'be l°rd privy-seal, the two chief justices, and other
the con- judges, justifying our so sitting in the nature of a
tinuance * ° ' ° J ° °
thereof, synod, to be legal according to the laws of the
realm u. It ill becometh clergymen, to pretend to
«<
t*
«<
tt
t<
•' honour, well acquainted with
" the laws of the realm, might
" deliver their judgment upon
" it. This his majesty gra-
" ciously approved, and the
" question was put to them :
" they answered as followeth
under their hands (see this
instrument in note n) .
" This judgment of these
" great lawyers," he continues,
" settled both houses of con.
" vocation. So we proceeded
" according to the power given
us under the broad seal, as
is required by the statute
25 Hen. VIII. c. 19.
" In this convocation thus
" continued, we made up our
" act, perfect for the gift of six
" subsidies, according to the an-
" cient form in that behalf, and
" delivered it under seal to his
majesty. This passed nemine
refragante, as may appear
apudAcla. And we followed a
precedent in my lord abp.
Whitgift's time, an. 1586.
'* Together with this act for
subsidies, we went on in de-
" liberation for certain canons,
" thought necessary to be addr
" ed, for the better govern,.
" ment and more settled peace
of the church, which began
to be much disquieted by
'* the proceedings of some fac-
" tious men (which have since
««
*t
n
it
€i
<«
it
<(
" more openly and more vio-
" lently shewed themselves).
44 The canons which we made
" were in number seventeen,
" and at the time of the sub-
*' 8cription, no man refused or
" so much as checked at any
" one canon, or any one breach
" in any one of them, saving a
" canonical or two," &c. Trou-
bles and Trial, p. 80.]
a [The instrument ran as
follows :
" The convocation being calL
" ed by the king's writ under
" the great seal, doth continue
" until it be dissolved bv writ
" or commission under the great
" seal, notwithstanding the par*
" liament be dissolved.
" 14 Maii, 1640.
" Jo. Finch, C. S.
" H. Manchester.
" John Bramston.
" Edward Littleton.
" Ralph Whitfield.
" John Bankes.
" Robert Heath."
(Laud's Troubles, p. 80.
Nalson's Coll. i. 364.)
The long parliament however
(notwithstanding this opinion)
made this continuation of the
convocation a matter of great
complaint against the archbi-
shop. It must not however on
that account be inferred that
there was any thing illegal,
CENT. XVII.
of Britain,
167
more skill in the laws than so learned sages in that ad. 1640.
~° i6Chai. I.
profession, and therefore impartial judgments may
take off from the fault of the followers, and lay it on
the leaders, that this synod sat when the parliament
was dissolved. This made the aforesaid thirty-six
dissenters (though solemnly making their oral pro-
tests to the contrary, yet) not to dissever themselves,
or enter any act in scriptis against the legality of
this assembly; the rather, because they hoped to
moderate proceedings with their presence. Surely
some of their own coat, which since have censured
these dissenters for cowardly compliance, and doing
no more in this cause, would have done less them-
selves if in their condition.
18. Thus was an old convocation converted into a Out of the
j_ ■■ .• • j» • • . 1 , • 1 • burial of an
new synod*; and now their disjointed meeting being old convo-
cation the
act without parliament. Thii^^
was a point of Erastianism to
either in its sittings or proceed-
ings. In the disputes which
afterwards arose on this subject,
both parties seem to have as-
sumed it as an unquestionable
right, that the king might as-
semble and continue convoca-
tion, whether parliament was
sitting or not. Dr. Wake was
for making the sitting and act-
ings of convocation entirely de-
pendent on the free pleasure
of the prince ; his opponent
Dr. Atterbury, taking at least
a juster view of the powers
and rights of the church ca-
tholic (whatever the practice of
this kingdom may have been),
claimed for the church an in-
alienable right of making ca-
nons for itself, a right which it
never surrendered to the civil
power. Neither however seem
to have imagined that con-
vocation could not sit and
which even Tillotson had not
descended. That the church
before emperors were Chris-
tianized did hold synods of her
own pure authority is indis-
putable ; that after the time
of Constant! ne, though synods
were summoned by imperial au-
thority, yet that the church did
not conceive that such assemblies
were dependent on mere royal
grace and favour, is evident
from various declarations made
to that purpose, collected by
Dr. Brett, in his Church Go-
vernment (p. 295. ed. 2d).
This I think is quite enough to
justify the archbishop's pro-
ceedings in this particular, had
he not been fortified by the
king's warrant.]
* [This passage has been
controverted by Dr. Ileylyn,
M 4
168
The Church History
BOOK XI
a. d. 164a set together again, they betook themselves to consult
' about new canons. Now because great bodies move
who affirms that the words "as
" used in England of late
" times" are synonymous ; nor
does our author deny it, but
defends his use of them by the
opinion of those who made
this distinction between them :
" 1. Convocation, which is in
" the beginning and ending
" parallel with the parliament;
" 2. Synod, which is called by
" the king out of parliament."
The expression however, which
appears to have been bandied
about at this time, was " bor.
" rowed from the speech of a
" witty gentleman, as he is
" called by the author of the
" History of the Reign of
" King Charles, and since by
*' him declared to be the lord
" George Digby, now earl of
" Bristol. But he that spent
" most of his wit upon it, and
" therefore gave occasion unto
" others for the like mistak-
" ings, was sir Edward Deer-
" ing, in a speech made against
" these canons an. 1640, where
we find these flourishes :
' * Would you confute the
convocation ? they were a
•• holy synod. Would you
" argue against the synod?
•c why they were commissioners.
" Would you dispute the com-
" mission ? they will mingle
" all powers together, and an-
" swer that they were some
" fourth thing, that neither we
" know nor imagine ; that is to
" say (as it follows afterwards,
" P* 57)> a convocational-syno-
■• dical assembly of commis-
" sioners.' " Heylyn in The
«i
<t
Appeal, &c. P. iii. p. 37. Cla-
rendon says, that after the de-
termination of the last, the
convocation-house was " bv a
" new writ continued, and sat
" for the space of above a
" month under the proper title
" of a synod ; made canons,
" which was thought that it
" might, and gave subsidies
" out of parliament, and en-
" joined oaths, which certainly
" it might not do : in a word,
" did many things which in
" the best of times night have
" been questioned, and there-
" fore were sure to be con-
" demned in the worst." Re-
bellion, i. 261. Dr. Barnard
gives us a further account of
this continuation of the convo-
cation, in his Life of Dr. Hey-
lyn, p. 180. "The convoca-
'* tion," he says, " usually end-
" eth in course the next day
" after the dissolution of par-
" liament. But the Doctor
" (Heylyn) well knowing that
" one great end of calling par-
" liaments is to raise the king
" money for the public con-
•' cern8, he therefore went to
" Lambeth, and shewed the
" archbishop a precedent, in
" the reign of Q. Elizabeth,
" for granting subsidies, or a
" benevolence by convocation
" to be levied upon the clergy,
" without the help of a parlia-
" ment, whereby the king's
" necessities for money might
" be supplied : and so it suc-
•' cessfully fell out, the arch-
" bishop acquainting the king
44 with this present expediency,
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
169
slowly, and are fitter to be the consentere to thauAD- 164©-
.". i»i. . ii/« 1 6 Chat. I.
the contrivers of business, it was thought fit to con
44 the convocation still conti-
" nued sitting, notwithstanding
" the dissolution of parliament.
" And when this was scrupled
" at by some of the house, the
" Doctor resolved their doubts
" and rid them of their fears,
'* by shewing them the dis-
" tinction betwixt a king's writ
" for calling a parliament, and
" that for assembling a convo-
" cation ; their different forms
" and independence of one upon
" another. Finally, it was de-
" termined by the king him-
" self* and the learned council
" in the law, that the convoca-
" tion called by his majesty's
" writ was to be continued till
" it was dissolved by his writ,
" notwithstanding the disso-
*' lution of parliament. This
" benefit the king got by their
" sitting, six subsidies under
*' the name of benevolences,
" which the clergy paid him.
" On Friday, May 29, the
" canons of that convocation
" were unanimously subscribed
" unto by all the bishops and
*4 clergy, no one of them dis-
" senting but the bishop of
** Gloucester, for which he was
" deservedly suspended, who
" afterwards turned papist, and
" was the only renegado prelate
'• of this land But lastly,
" to consider the sad condition
" of that convocation before
41 thev were dissolved. The
" Doctor, as one of their fellow
44 members, speaks most feel-
tt
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ingly : during all the time of
their sitting, they were under
those horrid fears, by reason
of the discontents falling upon
the parliament's dissolution,
' that the king was fain to
set a guard about Westmin-
ster Abbey, for the whole
time of their sitting. Poor
men, to what a distress were
they brought: in danger of
the king's displeasure if they
rose, of the people's fury if
they sat ; in danger of being
beaten down by the following
parliament, when the work
was done ; and, after all, ob-
noxious to the lash of censo-
rious tongues for their good in-
tendments; for notwithstand-
ing their great care that all
things might be done with
decency and to edification,
every one must have his blow
at them*.' For Prynne pub-
lished The Unbishoping of
Timothy and Titus, and his
other libel of News from
Ipswich, wherein he called
the archbishop of Canterbury
archagent of the devil, ' that
Beelzebub himself had been
archbishop, and all the bi-
shops were Luciferian lords.'
The like reproaches were
thundered out of the pulpit
by Burton in his sermon on
Prov. xxiv. 22, where he
abused the text and bishops
sufficiently, calling them in-
stead of fathers step- fathers,
for pillars caterpillars, limbs
• Heylyn'i Obs. on I/F?strange*n Char. I. p. 181.
170
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A. D. 1640. tract the synod into a select committee of some six
— and twenty, beside the prolocutor, who were to ripen
matters, as to the propounding and drawing up the
forms to what should pass, yet so, that nothing
should be accounted the act of the house, till thrice
(as I take it) publicly voted therein ?.
why the 19. Expect not here of me an exemplification of
canons of * 1 1 1 /• • j_i_ • *•
this synod such canons as were concluded of in this convocation.
uT<aem-y Partly, because being printed they are public to every
piified. eye> but chiefly, because they were never put in
practice or generally received. The men of Persia
did never look on their little ones till they were
seven years old, (bred till that time with their
mothers and nurses,) nor did they account them in
their genealogies amongst their children (but amongst
the more long-lived abortives) if dying before seveti
years of age. I conceive such canons come not
under our cognizance, which last not (at least) an
apprenticeship of years in use and practice, and
therefore we decline the setting down the acts of
" of the Beast, factors for Anti-
" chri8t,andantichristianmush-
" rooms t. Bastwick laid about
" him before in his Fiagellum
" EpiscoporumLatialium.when
" he had worn out that rod,
" took another in his Litany.
" Finally, the rabble had a
" cursed song among them to
" affront the poor clergy with
" as they met them ; saying,
" * Your bishops are bite-sheep ;
" Your deans are dunces ;
" Your priests are the priests of
Baal;—
" The devil fetch them all by
bunches.* "
A very full and complete ac-
count of the proceedings of
this convocation will also be
found in Heylyn's Life of
Laud, p. 422, sq.]
y [" Some things passed at
" the first time, but others
" which were nearly new were
" thrice read, on the same token
" that it occasioned the contest
" betwixt the prolocutor and
" Dr. Holdsworth." Fuller in
The Appeal, &c. P. iii. p. 39.]
t See Heylyn's Life of Laud, p. 339.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 171
this synod. It is enough for us to present the a. d. 1640.
number and titles of the several canons :
1. Concerning the regal power.
2. For the better keeping of the day of his majesty's most
happy inauguration.
3. For suppressing of the growth of popery.
4. Against Socinianism.
5. Against sectaries.
6. An oath enjoined for the preventing of all innovations
in doctrine and government.
7. A declaration concerning some rites and ceremonies.
8. Of preaching for conformity.
9. One book of articles of inquiry to be used at all paro-
chial visitations.
10. Concerning the conversation of the clergy.
1 1. Chancellors' patents.
1 2. Chancellors alone not to censure any of the clergy in
sundry cases.
13. Excommunication and absolution not to be pronounced
but by a priest.
14. Concerning the commutations, and the disposing of
them.
15. Touching concurrent jurisdictions.
16. Concerning licenses to marry.
17. Against vexatious citations2.
20. As for the oath concluded on in this synod, The form
because since the subject of so much discourse, it is&c. °*
here set forth at large, according to the true tenour
thereof, as followeth :
u I A. B. do swear, that I do approve the doctrine
" and discipline, or government established in the
" church of England, as containing all things neces-
M sary to salvation; and that I will not endeavour by
44 myself or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring
* [See these canons at length in Wilkins' Concil. iv. p. 543.]
it
((
u
(4
172 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1640." in any popish doctrine contrary to that which is so
1 !!ll" established; nor will I ever give my consent to
" alter the government of this church, by arch-
" bishops, bishops, deans, and archdeacons, &c. as it
stands now established, and as by right it ought to
stand, nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpation
and superstitions of the see of Rome. And all
" these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge
and swear, according to the plain and common
sense and understanding of the same words, with-
" out any equivocation or mental evasion, or secret
" reservation whatsoever. And this I do heartily,
" willingly, and truly, upon the faith of a Christian.
" So help me God, in Jesus Christ*."
a motion 21. Toward the close of the convocation, Dr. Grif-
editionrf fith, a clerk for some Welsh diocese, (whose moderate
BiwT61811 cama£e aN the while was very commendable,) made
a motion that there might be a new edition of the
Welsh church Bible, some sixty years since first
translated into Welsh, by the worthy endeavours of
bishop Morgan, but not without many mistakes and
omissions of the printer. He insisted on two most
remarkable, a whole verse left out, Exod. xii., con-
cerning the angeF s passing over the houses besprinkled
with blood, which mangleth the sense of the whole
chapter. Another, Habak. ii. 5, where that passage,
He is a proud man, is wholly omitted. The matter
was committed to the care of the Welsh bishops,
who, (I fear,) surprised with the troublesome times,
effected nothing therein6.
a [See Laud's Troubles, was for amendment of the
p. 281. Nalson, ib. 374.] Welsh Liturgy. As the busi-
b [See Nalson, ib. 370, ac- ness was intrusted to the bishop
cording to whom, this motion of St. Asaph, it is not unlikely
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
173
pension.
22. The day before the ending of the synod, A;?;.i64?-
Godfrey Goodman, bishop of Gloucester, privately
repaired to the archbishop of Canterbury, acquaint- «*> iingu-
ljtrjtv
ing him, that he could not in his conscience subscribe threatened
the new canons. It appeared afterwards, that heWIt iUS"
scrupled some passages about the corporal presence.
But, whether upon popish or Lutheran principles, he
best knoweth himself. The archbishop advised him
to avoid obstinacy and singularity therein. However,
the next day, when we all subscribed the canons,
(suffering ourselves, according to the order of such
meetings, to be all concluded by the majority of
Totes, though some of us in the committee privately
dissenting in the passing of many particulars,) he
alone utterly refused his subscription thereunto.
Whereupon the archbishop, being present with us in
king Henry the Seventh his chapel, was highly of-
fended at him ; " My lord of Gloucester," said he,
u I admonish you to subscribe ;" and presently after,
" My lord of Gloucester, I admonish you the second
u time to subscribe ;" and immediately after, " I ad-
•• monish you the third time to subscribe :" to all
which the bishop pleaded conscience, and returned a
denial c.
that the Dr. Griffith here men-
tioned was Dr. George Griffith,
proctor for that diocese.]
c [From the report of the
proceedings of this convocation
in Wilkius, Cone. iv. p. 541,
Goodman appears to have made
a public opposition. The sub-
ject under discussion, was the
propriety of publishing some
canon concerning the Eucha-
rist and the placing of the holy
table. This Goodman opposed,
affirming, that he would assent
to no canon agreed upon in
this convocation, until it should
be first made apparent by what
authority it was assembled and
acted. (See Nalson, ib. 369.)
The following is Laud's own
account of the matter, when it
formed one of the articles of
his accusation : " For the bi-
" shop of Gloucester's refusing
" to subscribe the canons and
" take the oath, — the truth is
174
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1640. 23. Then were the judgments of the bishops sever-
- 1 ally asked, whether they should proceed to the present
p«M?onsu*- suspension of Gloucester, for his contempt herein?
pended.
«<
•<
it
*(
**
*i
*t
tt
«<
a
*t
tt
tt
tt
tt
it
tt
tt
• •
tt
tt
tt
t«
tt
tt
M
<«
tt
M
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
• •
tt
tt
this: he first pretended (to
avoid his subscription) that
we could not sit, the parlia-
ment risen. He was satisfied
in this by the judges' hands.
Then he pretended the oath;
but that which stuck in his
stomach was the canon about
the suppressing the growth
of popery. For coming over
to me, to Lambeth, about
that business, he told me he
would be torn with wild
horses before he would sub-
scribe that canon. I gave
him the best advice I could,
but his carriage was such,
when he came into the convo-
cation, that I was forced to
charge him openly with it,
and he as freely acknowledged
it, as there is plentiful proof
of bishops and other divines
then present.
44 And for his lordship's being
after put to take the oath, —
it was this: I took myself
bound to acquaint his ma-
jesty with this proceeding of
my lord of Gloucester's, and
did so. But all that was
after done about his commit-
ment first, and his release
after, when he had taken the
oath, was done openly at a
full council-table, and his
majesty present, and can no
way be charged upon me as
my act. For it was my duty
to let his majesty know it,
to prevent further danger,
then also discovered." p. 282.
In another part also of his
defence, where the archbishop
enters even yet more minutely
into an account of his proceed-
ings with the bishop of Glou-
cester on this occasion, we find
that one of the arguments
urged against the bishop was
this, that in all synods the suf-
fragans are bound to declare
themselves by open affirmation
or denial of the canons agreed,
when however it came to the
bishop's turn to subscribe, he
would not do either; "on this,"
says Laud, '* I, with the con-
" sent of the synod, suspended
" him. Divers of my lords
" the bishops were verv tender
" of him, and the scandal given
" by him. And John Dave-
" nant, then lord bishop of
" Salisbury, and Joseph Hale,
" then lord bishop of Exeter,
" desired leave of the house,
*' and had it, to speak with my
•' lord of Gloucester, to see if
" they could prevail with him.
" They did prevail, and he
" came back and subscribed
" the canons in open convoca-
" tion." He then proceeds to
state, that upon informing the
king with what had taken
place, and upon certain in-
formation received from some
agents beyond sea, the king
restrained the bishop to his
lodgings for a time. What
that information was may be
seen in the preface to Good-
man's M emoirs. His imprison-
ment however had nothing to
do with these canons.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 175
Davenant, bishop of Salisbury, being demanded hisA-D-l640-
opinion, conceived it fit some lawyers should first be
consulted with, how far forth the power of a synod in
such cases did extend. He added moreover, that the
threefold admonition of a bishop ought solemnly to
be done with some considerable intervals betwixt
them, in which the party might have time of conve-
nient deliberation. However, some days after he
was committed (by the king's command as I take it)
to the Gate-house, where he got by his restraint
what he could never have gained by his liberty,
namely, of one reputed popish, to become for a short
time popular, as the only confessor suffering for not
subscribing the canons. Soon after the same canons
were subscribed at York, where the convocation is
bnt the hand of the dial, moving and pointing as
directed by the clock of the province of Canterbury.
And on the last of June following, the said canons
were publicly printed, with the royal assent affixed
thereunto.
24. No sooner came these canons abroad into public Fim ex-
view, but various were mens censures upon them. gdn»t the
Some were offended, because bowing toward the0*"0118,
communion-table (now called altar by many) was not
only left indifferent, but also caution taken that the
observers or the omitters thereof should not mutu-
ally censure each other ; yet many complained, that
this ceremony, though left indifferent as hereafter to
salvation, was made necessary as here to preferment.
Yea, this knee-mark of bowing or not bowing would
be made the distinguishing character, that hereafter
all such should be condemned as halting in con-
formity, who were not thoroughpaced in these addi-
tional ceremonies.
176 The Church History book xi.
a. d. i64o. 25. Many took exception at the hollowness of
-'-- the oath in the middle thereof, having its bowels
ception. puffed up with a wind &c, a cheverel word, which
might be stretched as men would measure it. Others
pleaded for it, as only inserted to save the enumera-
tion of many mean officers in the church, whose
mention was beneath the dignity of an oath, and
would but clog the same. Yea since, some have
endeavoured to excuse the same by the interpreta-
tive &c. incorporated into the body of the covenant,
whereby people are bound to defend the privileges
of parliament, though what they be is unknown to
most that take the same.
Thini and 26. But most took exception against that clause
£!^ex* in the oath, " we will never give any consent to alter
** this church government," as if the same were in-
tended to abridge the liberty of king and state in
future parliaments, and convocations, if hereafter
they saw cause to change any thing therein. And
this obligation seemed the more unreasonable, be-
cause some of those orders specified in the oath (as
archbishops, deans, archdeacons) stand only esta-
blished jure humano, site ecclesiastico ; and no wise
man ever denied, but that by the same power and
authority they are alterable on just occasion d.
Endeavour- 27. Yet there wanted not others, who with a
cuaS.*6 ex favourable sense endeavoured to qualify this sus-
picious clause, whereby the taker of this oath was
tied up from consenting to any alteration*. These
d [The arguments against borne for the present, consider-
the oath may be seen in Bax- ing the difficulties of the time,
ter's Life, p. 16.] He wrote a very moderate and
e [Bishop Sanderson, though sensible letter to the archbishop
approving the oath, wished that on this occasion, printed by
the pressing of it might be for- Nalson, ib. p. 498.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 1 77
argued, that if the authority, civil or ecclesiastical, a.d. 1640.
did not herein impose an oath, binding those that-! —
took it hereafter to disobey themselves, and reject
such orders, which the foresaid civil or ecclesiastical
power might afterwards lawfully enact or establish.
For, seeing in all oaths this is an undoubted maxim,
Quacunque forma verborum juratur, Deus sic jura-
mentum accipit, sicut tile cui juratur intelligit, none
can probably suppose that the governors in this
oath intended any clause thereof to be an abridg-
ment of their own lawful power, or to debar their
inferiors from consenting and submitting to such
alterations as by themselves should lawfully be made.
Wherefore these words, "We will never give any
" consent to alter," are intended here to be meant
only of a voluntary and pragmatical alteration ; when
men conspire, consent, labour, and endeavour to
change the present government of the church, in
such particulars as they do dislike, without the con-
sent of their superiors.
• 28. But the exception of exceptions against these The over
canons is, because they were generally condemned somebi-°
as illegally passed, to the prejudice of the funda-sbo1*'
mental liberty of the subject, whereof we shall hear
enough in the next parliament. Meantime some
bishops were very forward in pressing this oath,
even before the time thereof. For, whereas a liberty
was allowed to all to deliberate thereon, until the
feast of Michael the archangel, some presently
pressed the ministers of their dioceses, for the tak-
ing thereof, and, to my knowledge, enjoined them
to take this oath kneeling. A ceremony (to my
best remembrance) never exacted or observed in
taking the oath of supremacy or allegiance ; which
FULLER, VOL. VI. N
178 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1640. some accounted an essay of their activity, if provi-
1 Idence had not prevented themf.
Theimpor- 29. Many impressions of English Bibles printed
&ise print- at Amsterdam, and moe at Edinburgh in Scotland,
were daily brought over hither, and sold here. Little
their volumes, and low their prices, as being of bad
paper, worse print, little margent, yet greater than
the care of the corrector, many most abominable
errata being passed therein. Take one instance for
all : — Jer. iv. 17, speaking of the whole common-
wealth of Judah, instead of, because she hath been
rebellious against me, saith the Lord, it is printed,
Edinburgh 1637, because she hath been religious
against me, saith the Lord. Many complaints were
made, especially by the company of stationers, against
these false printed Bibles, as giving great advantage
to the papists, but nothing was therein effected 8.
f [It might be imagined " London ; and their excep-
from Fuller *8 language, that " tions were spread in writing
objections were made to the " against them. And this set
canons immediately on their " others to work both in the
being published. We learn " western and the northern
otherwise from Laud. It ap- " parts ; till at last by the
pears from him, that no one m " practice of the faction, there
convocation, bishop Goodman " was suddenly a great altera-
excepted, hesitated to subscribe " tion, and nothing so much
them. "At their first publica- " cried down as the canons."
" tion," he says, "they were ib. p. 83.
" generally approved in all The list of the puritan min-
" parts of the kingdom ; and I isters who combined to get
" had letters from the remotest hands to a petition against the
" parts of it full of approba- oath may be seen in Nalson.
" tion ; insomuch, that not Their leaders were Burgess,
" myself only, but my brethren Calamy and Goodwin. Collect.
" who lived near these parts, i. 496.]
" and which were not yet gone g [Yet the suppression of
" down, were very much joyed these Bibles afterwards formed
" at it. But about a month one of the charges brought by
" after their printing, then be- Prynne against the archbishop.
" gan some whisperings against Pry nne's Complete History &c,
"them by some ministers in p. 183.]
cent. xvn. of Britain. 179
For in this juncture of time came in the Scottish a. d. 1640.
army, and invaded the northern parts of England. - — — . -
What secret solicitations invited them hither, is not
my work to inquire. Many beheld them as the
only physicians of the distempered state, and be-
lieved that they gave not their patient a visit on
pure charity, but having either received, or being
well promised their fee before*1.
30. Soon after began the long lasting parliament, Parliament
so known to all posterity for the remarkable trans- cation be.
actions therein. The king went to the house pri-*10,
vately by water, many commending his thrift in
sparing expenses, when two armies in the bowels of
the land expected their pay from his purse. Others,
distinguishing betwixt needless pomp and necessary
state, suspected this might be misinterpreted as if
the Scotch had frighted him out of that ceremony
of majesty : and some feared such an omission pre-
saged that parliament would end with sadness to
him, which began without any solemnity. Abreast
therewith began a convocation, though unable long
to keep pace together, the latter soon tiring as
never inspirited by commission from the king to
meddle with any matters of religion : Mr.Warmistrey
(a clerk for Worcester) made a motion therein, that
they should endeavour (according to the Levitic«al
law) to cover the pit which they had opened, and to
prevent their adversaries' intention, by condemning
such offensive canons as were made in the last con-
vocation. But it found no acceptance, they being
h [Our historian had very their army. Some very auius-
good reason for this statement : ing disclosures to this effect
avarice being a stronger motive are made in Baillie's Letters
than religion in bringing the and Journals.]
Scots here* and in maintaining
N 2
180 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1640. loath to confess themselves jruilty before they were
accused.
The in§o- 31. This day happened the first fruits of Anabap-
lenceofAn-
•baptists, tistical insolence, when eighty of that sect meeting
at a house in St. Saviour's in Southwark, preached
that the statute in the 35th of Eliz. for the adminis-
tration of the Common Prayer was no good law,
because made by bishops. That the king cannot
make a good law, because not perfectly regenerate.
That he was only to be obeyed in civil matters.
Being brought before the lords they confessed the
articles, but no penalty was inflicted upon them.
The three 32. About this time Mr. Prynne, Dr. Bastwick,
brought and Mr. Burton were brought out of durance and
home in
triumph, exile, with great triumph into London, it not suffic-
ing their friends to welcome them peaceably, but
victoriously, with bays and rosemary in their hands
and hats. Wise men conceived that their private
returning to the town had signified as much grati-
tude to God, and less affront to authority. But
some wildness of the looks must be pardoned in
such, who came suddenly into the light out of long
darkness.
Dr. Pock- 88. As bishop Williams and Mr. Osbaston were
Dr. Bray the two first clergymen who found the favour of
oenaured. ^jg pariia]lient9 (being remitted their fines, and re-
stored to their livings and liberty,) so doctor Pock-
lington and doctor Bray were the two first that felt
their displeasures1: the former for preaching and
* [" No other way to pacify " two books as were to be re-
" the high displeasures of the " canted by the one, and for
" bishop of Lincoln, but by " which the other was to be
" such a sacrifice, who there- " deprived of all his prefer-
" fore is intrusted to gather " ments. And in this the
" such propositions out of those " bishop served his own turn,
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
181
printing, the latter for licensing two books, one a. d. 1640.
called Sunday no Sabbath, the other The Christian '
altar k. Bishop Williams moved, that doctor Bray
«<
««
«
" and the people's too ; his
" own turn first in the great
" controversy of the altar, in
" which he was so great a
" stickler, and in which Pock-
lington was thought to have
provoked him to take that
revenge. The people's turn
" he served next, in the con-
" demning and recanting of
" some points about the Sab-
" bath, though therein he ran
" cross to his former practice.
" Who had been not long since
" so far from those Sabbatarian
" rigors, which now he would
" fain be thought to counten-
" ance, that he caused a co-
" medy to be acted before him
" at his house at Bugden, not
" only on a Sunday in the after-
" noon, but upon such a Sun-
" day also on which he had pub-
" licly given sacred orders both
" to priests and deacons. And
'* to this comedy he invited the
" earl of Manchester, and di-
vers of the neighbouring gen-
try." "Though on this
turning of the tide he did
not only cause these doctors
•' to be condemned for some
" opinions which formerly him-
" self allowed of, but moved at
" the assembly in Jerusalem-
" chamber, that all books should
" be publicly burnt, which had
" disputed the morality of the
" Lord's-day Sabbath." Dr.
Heylyn in The Appeal, &c. P.
iii. p. 45. To the last obser-
vation Fuller replies, " I have
" been credibly informed that
•«
tt
" when in Jerusalem- chamber,
" Mr. Stephen Marshall urged
" most vehemently for severe
** punishment on the authors
" of those books ; bishop Wil-
44 liams fell foul on the books,
" moving they might be burn-
" ed, that their authors might
•• the better escape."]
k [Dr. Pocklington was ac-
cused by one Harvey his pa-
rishioner for being an introducer
of innovations and idolatry, and
the author of the books men-
tioned in the text. He was
condemned in the house of
lords (who had now lent them-
selves to the popular clamor)
and the following sentence was
Sassed upon him, — passed upon
im by that very parliament
who restored Bastwick and
his fellow libellers to their
original position in society,
and voted, that all the several
commissioners who had passed
sentence against them in a for-
mal court of law should make
them satisfaction !
These were the terms of the
sentence: — 1. "That the said
" Dr. Pocklington is prohibited
" from ever coming within the
" verges of the king's court.
" 2. That he is deprived of all
" his ecclesiastical livings, dig.
" nities and preferments. 3.
" That he is disabled and held
" incapable hereafter to hold
" any place or dignity in church
•' or commonwealth. 4. That
" his two books be publicly
" burnt in the city of London,
182
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. D. 164a might recant seven errors in the first, four-and-twenty
^1-1 in the second treatise. Soon after, both the doctors
deceased, for grief, say some, that they had written
what they should not ; for shame, say others, that
they had recanted what they would not ; though a
third sort more charitably take notice neither of
the one nor the other, but merely impute it to the
approach of the time of their dissolution1.
Superstu 34. Doctor Cosins soon after was highly accused,
tions charg- « . . , . ,. .
ed on Dr. for superstition and unjust proceedings against one
CoMns. jy|r gmart on this occasion. The doctor is charged
to have set up in the church of Durham a marble
altar with cherubins, which cost two thousand
pounds, with all the appurtenances thereof; namely,
a cope with the Trinity, and God the Father in the
figure of an old man, another with a crucifix and
the image of Christ, with a red beard and blue cap.
" and the two universities, by
" the hand of the common ex-
'* ecutioners." — Nalson's Col-
lections, i. p. 774. Had the
house of lords resisted the
iniquitous proceedings of the
commons, they had saved the
bishops, and with the bishops
saved themselves. Some ac-
count of Dr. Pocklington will
be found in Wood's Fasti, i. p.
166. According to Walker,
who examined the church re-
gister, he died in 1641. — Suf-
ferings of the Clergy, p. 95.
Dr. Bray, who also suffered
on this occasion, was chaplain
to archbishop Laud, and had
been originally much inclined to
puritanism. His only fault was
the licensing Dr. Pocklington's
books, in his capacity of chap-
lain to the archbishop. Yet
the parliament not only sen-
tenced him to a recantation,
but shortly after deprived him
of his ecclesiastical preferments.
His books were seized, himself
imprisoned, plundered, and
forced to fly. — See Lloyd's
Memoirs, p. 512. Walker's
Sufferings, p. 6.]
1 [" Dr. Pocklington lived
" about two years, and Dr. Bray
" above four years, with as
"great cheerfulness and cou-
" rage as formerly /' says Dr.
Heylyn, ib. p. 46.
Dr. Pocklington's pamphlet
shews great ability, but is
written with a keenness and
smartness which were sure to
bring upon him the vengeance
of mean-spirited minds when
once they had gained a political
ascendancy.]
CBMT. XVII.
of Britain.
188
Besides, he was accused for lighting two hundred a. d. 1640.
wax candles about the altar on Candlemas-day. For LI
forbidding any psalms to be sung before or after
sermon, though making an anthem, to be sung of
the three kings of Cologne, by the names of Grasper,
Balthazar, and Melchior ; and for procuring a con-
secrated knife only to cut the bread at the commu-
nion ".
35. Mr. Smart11 a prebendary of the church, one Cruel mage
of a grave aspect and reverend presence, sharply in- smart!'
veighed in a sermon against these innovations, taking
for his text : / hate all those that hold superstitious
vanities, but thy law do I love.
36. Hereupon he was kept prisoner four months
by the high commission of York, before any articles
were exhibited against him, and five months before
any proctor was allowed him. Hence was he carried
to the high commission at Lambeth, and after long
trouble remanded to York, fined 500/., committed
to prison, ordered to recant, and for the neglect
thereof, fined again, excommunicated, degraded, and
deprived, his damage (as brought in) amounting to
many thousand pounds.
37. But now Mr. Rous of the house of commons, Relieved by
bringing up the charge to the lords against doctor1"*
m [None of these charges
appear in the articles exhibited
in parliament against Dr. Co-
sins in the year 1641. His
own defence of himself, which
is too important to be omitted,
I have printed in an appendix
to this volume. See also a
correct account of these pro-
ceedings in Nalson's Collec-
tions, 1. p. 518.]
n [Of this weak and mis-
chievous man, who afterwards
distinguished himself as a wit-
ness against archbishop Laud,
a short account will be found
in Wood's Athen . ii. p. 2 1 . Some
extracts from this sermon have
been printed in Nalson ; they
are too coarse and too violent
to find a place here.]
N 4
184
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1640. Cosins, termed Mr. Smart the " Proto-martyr of
- — — " England in these latter days of persecution," and
large reparations was allowed unto him, though he
lived not long after to enjoy them.
88. Now though none can excuse and defend
doctor Cosins his carriage herein, yet this must be re-
ported to his due commendation. Some years after
getting over into France, he neither joined with the
church of French protestants at Charenton nigh
Paris, nor kept any communion with the papists
therein, but confined himself to the church of old
English protestants therein °. Where, by his pious
Dr. Cosins
his due
praise.
0 [This is not altogether so.
Dr. Basire in his life of bishop
Cosins thus narrates these cir-
cumstances :— " One signal in-
" stance of his constancy and
" courage for the Liturgy of the
" Church of England may not
" be omitted, that is anno 1 645 .
•' He did, with the consent of
" the ministers of the reformed
" church of Charenton near
" Paris, solemnly, in his priest-
" ly habit, with his surplice
" and with the office of burial,
" used in the Church of Eng-
" land, inter there the body of
"sir Wm. Carnaby a noble
" and loyal knight, not with-
" out the troublesome contra.
" diction and contention of the
" Romish curate there. At
" that time many that were
" pur-blind and not able to
" see the then less visible face
" of the Church of England
" then in the wane ; a church
44 in the wilderness because
44 under persecution, when sun-
" dry were wavering from the
" true religion ; our bishop did
" then confirm some eminent
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persons against many immi-
nent and importunate se-
ducers (another episcopal of-
fice), which is in such am.
biguous times especially to
confirm the souls of the dis-
ciples, exhorting them to con-
tinue in the faith (Tit. i. 11);
teaching that we must through
much tribulation enter into
the kingdom of God (Acts
xiv. 22.).
" One notable instance of
this our bishop's constancy
and zeal in this kind we may
not omit, which was a solemn
conference both by word and
writing betwixt him and the
prior of the English Benedic-
tines at Paris supposed to
be [ ] Robinson.
The argument was concern-
ing the validity of the ordi-
nation of our priests, &c. in
the Church of England. This
conference was undertaken
to fix a person of honour
then wavering about that
point. The sum of which
conference, as I am informed,
was written by Dr. Cosins to
cent. xvii. of Britain. 185
living, and constant praying and preaching, he re- a. d. 1640.
_ _ i6Chas. I.
duced some recusants to, and confirmed more doubt
ers in the protestant religion. Many his encounters
with Jesuits and priests, defeating the suspicions of
his foes, and exceeding the expectation of his friends,
in the success of such disputes p.
39. The commons desired the lords to join with a. D.1641.
them to find out, who moved the king to reprieve prieatbui*
John Goodman a seminary priest, who (as they said) I^uHfe
had been twice condemned, and now the second and deftth*
time reprieved, whilst the parliament sat**.
40. The king sent a message by the lord privy-
seal, that Goodman was not (as the commons were
informed) condemned and banished, but only sen-
tenced for being a priest, and therefore that in re-
prieving him he shewed but the like mercy which
queen Elizabeth and king James had shewed in the
like cases.
41. The lords joined with the commons in their
desire concerning Goodman, that the statutes might
speedily be executed upon him, as necessary in this
juncture of time, wherein papists swarmed in all
parts presuming on indemnity. With what credit
or comfort could they sit to enact new laws, whilst
they beheld former statutes daily broken before
their eyes?
42. The king acquainted the houses that though
" Dr. Morley, the now rt. rev. charges against Dr. Cosins ;
M lord bishop of Winchester, but for this, as well as for
" in two letters bearing date, the bishop's own defence, the
"June ii, July n, 1645." reader is referred to the Ap-
Basire, p. 60.] pendix.]
P [Our author in his Wor- 4 [See Nalson's Historical
thies has noticed the mistakes Collections, i. p. 738, 739.]
made* in this narrative of the
186
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1 64 1. queen Elizabeth and king James never condemned a
1 !L_1 priest merely for religion, yet rather than he would
discontent his subjects he left him to the judgment
of both houses, to be disposed of at their pleasure.
Yet he «- 48. Goodman petitioned the king, that like Jonah
SeatiasL the prophet, he might be cast into the sea, to still
the tempest betwixt the king and his people, con-
ceiving his blood well spent to cement them toge-
ther. But in fine he escaped with his life, not so
much by any favour indulged him, as principally
because the accusations could not be so folly proved
against himr.
The fir»t 44. About this time was the first motion of a new
tfaTproL- protestation, to be taken all over England (the copy
larion* whereof is omitted as obvious every where), which
some months after was generally performed, as con-
taining nothing but what was lawful and commend-
able therein. Yet some refused it, as suspecting the
adding of new would substract obedience from
former oaths, (men being prone to love that best
which left the last relish in their souls,) and in fine
such new obligations of conscience, like suckers,
would draw from the stock of the old oaths of supre-
macy and allegiance9.
r [This letter is printed at
full length in Nalson's Collec-
tions, i. 746. Though Good-
man escaped this time with his
life, he shortly after died in
prison. See Marsys La Mort
glorieuse, &c. p. 51, ed. 1646.
Panzani's Memoirs, p. 282.]
8 [Dr. Heylyn gives a fuller
history of this protestation.
He says, " The occasion of it
m
M was a speech made by the
" king in the house of peers
44 in favour of the earl of
" Strafford, upon the Saturday
" before; which moved them
" to unite themselves by this
M protestation for • bringing to
" condign punishment all such
" as shall either by force, prac-
" tice, plots, counsels, conspira-
" cies or otherwise, do any
'• thing to the contrary of any
" thing in the same protestation
" contained/ Which protests -
" tion being carried into the
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
187
45. March began very blusteringly, on the firstA.D. i64r.
day whereof archbishop Laud was in Mr. Maxfield his - 1
coach carried to the Tower, and not long after the miSJT0f
lords appointed a committee of their own members ^f^0^.*0
for settling of peace in the church. What hopeful &on-
opinion the aforesaid archbishop had of their pro-
ceedings, will appear by the following note which
he entered into his l diary :
" A committee for religion settled in the upper
" house of parliament. Ten earls, ten bishops, ten
u barons. So the lay-votes will be double to the
* clergy. This committee will meddle with doctrine
u as well as ceremonies, and will call some divines
" to them to consider of the business, as appears by
" a letter hereto annexed, sent by the lord bishop of
u Lincoln to some divines, to attend this service.
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house of peers, was, after
some few days, generally taken
by that house also. But the
prevalent party in the house
of commons having further
aims than such as our author
pleaseth to take notice of,
first caused it to be printed
by an order of the 5th of
May. that they might be sent
down to the sheriffs and
justices of peace in the seve-
ral shires; to whom they
intimated, ' that as they
justified the taking of it
in themselves, so they could
Dot but approve it in all such
as should take it.* But
finding that this did not
much edify with the country
people, they desired the lords
to concur with them in im-
posing the same. Failing
whereof, by an order of their
" own house only July 30, it
" was declared, that ' the pro-
" testation made by them was
" fit to be taken by every per-
" son that was well affected in
" religion and to the good of
" the commonwealth ; and
" therefore what persons so-
" ever did not take the same,
" was unfit to bear office in the
" church or commonwealth.'
" Which notwithstanding, many
" refused to take it, as our
" author telleth us, not know-
" ing but that some sinister
" use might be made thereof;
" as afterwards appeared by
" those rites and protestations
" which conducted some of the
'• five members to the house of
" commons." See the Appeal,
P. iii. p. 47.]
* March 15^.24=61. [See
Laud's Diary, p. 6 1 .]
188
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A.D.1641. " Upon the whole matter, I believe this committee
— ■ — — " will prove the national synod of England, to the
" great dishonour of this church. And what else
" may follow upon it, God knoweth."
46. At the same time the lords appointed a sub-
committee, to prepare matters fit for their cogni-
zance (the bishop of Lincoln having the chair in
both), authorized to call together divers bishops and
divines, to consult together for correction of what
was amiss, and to settle peace, viz.
A sub-com-
mittee for
the same
purpose.
uThe archbishop of Armagh
[Jas. Usher].
The bishop of Durham
[Thos. Morton].
The bishop of Exeter [Jos.
Hall].
Doctor Samuel Ward1.
Doctor John Prideauxy.
Doctor William Twisse2.
Doctor Robert Sanderson a.
Doctor Daniel Featleyb.
Doctor Ralph Brownriggc.
Doctor Richard Holdsworthd.
Doctor John Hacket6.
Doctor Cornelius Burgesf.
Master John Whites.
Master Stephen Marshall.
Master Edmund Calamy.
Master Thomas Hill.
11 More were named, but
these chiefly were present.
[See their names at length in
Kennet, iii. p. 105. Compare
also Plume's Life of Hacket,
p. xvi., and Racket's Life of
Williams, ii. p. 146.]
x [Professor of divinity in
the university of Cambridge,
and archdeacon of Taunton.]
>' [Professor of divinity, and
vice-chancellor in the univer-
sity of Oxford.]
2 [The celebrated defender
of superlapsarianism.]
* [Afterwards bishop of Lin-
coln.]
b [A witness against Laud.]
c [Afterwards bishop of Ex-
eter ; a good but a weak man ;
at this time archdeacon of Co-
ventry.]
d [Vice-chancellor of the
University of Cambridge, and
archdeacon of Huntingdon.]
e [Afterwards the good bishop
of Lichfield, and restorer of its
cathedral; at this time arch-
deacon of Bedford.]
f [A railer against bishops*
afterwards a purchaser of bi-
shops' lands.]
S [The author of A Century
of Malignant Priests, omitted
by Hacket. The three others,
Marshall, Calamy, and Hill,
were concerned in writing
Smectymnuus.]
cent. xvii. (f Britain. 189
Jerusalem-chamber in the dean of Westminster's11 a. d. 1641.
house was the place of their meeting (where they 1
had solemn debates six several days), always enter-
tained at his table with such bountiful cheer as well
became a bishop. But this we behold as the last
course of all public episcopal treatments, whose
guests may now even put up their knives, seeing
soon after the voider was called for, which took away
all bishops' lands, and most of English hospitality.
47. First they took the innovations of doctrine They con-
into consideration, and here some complained, that novationiin
all the tenets of the Council of Trent had (bydoctrine-
one or other) been preached and printed, abating
only such points of state popery against the king's
supremacy, made treason by the statute. Good
works co-causes with faith, in justification: private
confession, by particular enumeration of sins, need-
ful necessitate medii to salvation, that the oblation
(or, as others, the consumption) of the elements, in
the Lord's Supper, holdeth the nature of a true
sacrifice, prayers for the dead, lawfulness of monas-
tical vows, the gross substance of Arminianism, and
some dangerous points of Socinianism.
48. Secondly, they inquired into praeter-canonical And in di*.
conformity, and innovations in discipline. Advancing ap ne*
candlesticks in parochial churches in the daytime,
on the altar so called. Making canopies over, with
traverses of curtains (in imitation of the vail before
the holy of holies) on each side and before it. Having
a credentia or side-table (as a chapel of ease, to the
mother altar) for divers uses in the Lord's Supper.
Forbidding a direct prayer before sermon, and min-
* [Bishop Williams.]
190 The Church History book xi.
a.d. i^i.isters to expound the Catechism at large to their
- -parishioners, carrying children (when baptized) to
the altar so called, and there offering them up to
God, pretending for some of these innovations the
Injunctions and Advertisements of queen Elizabeth,
which are not in force, and appertaining to the
printed Liturgy, secundo et tertio Edvardi sextU
which is reformed by parliament.
And am- 49. Thirdly, they consulted about the Common
c^on Prayer Book, whether some legendary and some
Prmyer" much doubted saints, with some superstitious memo-
rials, were not to be expunged the calendar l. Whe-
ther it was not fit that the lessons should be only
out of canonical scripture, the epistles, gospels,
psalms, and hymns, to be read in the new transla-
tion, &c. Whether times prohibited for marriage
are not totally to be taken away. Whether it were
not fit that hereafter none should have a license, or
have their banns of matrimony asked, save such who
should bring a certificate from their minister, that
they were instructed in their Catechism. Whether
the rubric is not to be mended, altered and explained
in many particulars.
Andiqgu- 50. Lastly, they entered on the regulating of
verSnenT" ecclesiastical government, which was not brought in,
because the bishop of Lincoln had undertaken the
draught thereof, but not finished it, as employed at
the same time in the managing of many matters of
state : so easy it is for a great person never to be at
leisure to do what he hath no great mind should be
done.
Divm opi. 51. Some are of opinion that the moderation and
nions what
1 This I did write out of the private notes of one of the
committee.
cent, xvii- of Britain. 191
mutual compliance of these divines might have pro-A.D. 1641.
dnced much good, if not interrupted, conceiving-: —
such lopping might have saved the felling of episco- ence might'
pacy. Yea they are confident, had this expedient duced.pr°~
been pursued and perfected,
Trqjaque nunc stares, Priamique arx alta maneres.
Troy still had stood in power,
And king Priam's lofty tower
Had remained at this hour :
it might, under God, have been a means, not only
to have checked, but choked our civil war in the
infancy thereof. But the court prelates expected
no good from the result of this meeting, suspecting
the doctrinal puritans (as they nicknamed them),
joined with the disciplinary puritans, would betray
the church betwixt them. Some hot spirits would
not have one ace of episcopal power or profit abated,
and (though since confuted by their own hunger)
preferred no bread before half a loaf. These main-
tained that any giving back of ground was in effect
the granting of the day to the opposite party, so
covetous they be to multiply their cravings, on the
others9 concessions. But what the issue of this con-
ference concluded would have been, is only known
to Him who knew what vtlie men ofKeilak would do,
and whose prescience extends, not only to things
future, but futurable, having the certain cognizance
of contingents, which might, yet never actually shall,
come to pass1.
k I Sam. xxiii. 12. been their policy throughout
1 [The presbyterian party publicly to ask but little, and
broke it off for fear that they when that little was like to be
should not accomplish what granted them, to use all kinds
they desired, the utter aboli- of intrigues to prevent it, with-
tion of episcopacy. It had out appearing to stir in the
192
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A.D.164T. 52. This consultation continued till the middle
1 7 Chat. I.
of May, and the weaving thereof was fairly forward
** ' on the loom, when atropos occat, the bringing in the
bill against deans and chapters, root and branch, cut
off all the threads, putting such a distance betwixt
the foresaid divines, that never their judgments
(and scarce their persons) met after together.
The death 53. In the midst of these troublesome times, John
Davenant. Davenant bishop of Salisbury ended his life. His
father was a wealthy and religious citizen of London,
but born at Davenant's-lands in Sible Hedingham
in Essex ; where his ancestors had continued in a
worshipful degree from sir John Davenant, who lived
in the time of king Henry the Third. He bred his
son a fellow commoner in Queen's College in Cam-
bridge, and would not suffer him to accept a fellow-
ship, though offered, as conceiving it a bending of
these places from the direct intent of the founders,
when they are bestowed on such as have plenty.
Though indeed such preferments are appointed, as
matter. So on this occasion
they wanted not peace, they
desired not unity, it suited
their purpose with the people
of England to appear moderate
and conciliating, but nothing
was furtherfrom their thoughts.
When therefore there was a
probability of some concessions
being made, and so the grounds
of their discontent would have
been removed, they got sir Ed-
ward Deering to propose the
bill of "The Root and Branch/'
Of their most unscrupulous re-
course to " lies and hypocrisy"
on these occasions, Dr. Baillie,
their agent, gives many lament-
able instances ; and it is strange
to see how such a man could
approve, and even take part in
them apparently, without any
scruple of conscience. Hi 3
27th letter is a very instructive
one, in which he describes the
dangerous game which they
had to play, to gain the rabble
of London and their money by
demanding the abolition of
episcopacy, and yet at the
same time to make it appear
to the moderate party among
the lords, whom they wished
to conciliate, that they had no
such design in reality. Alas ! a
little more firmness on the
part of the king had saved him
from all his misfortunes.]
cbnt. xvi 1. qf Britain* 193
well for the reward of those that are worthy, as theA.D.1641.
relief of those that want : and after his father's death — ■
he was chosen into that society. In his youthful
exercises, he gave such an earnest of his future
maturity, that Dr. Whitaker, hearing him dispute,
said, " that he would in time prove the honour of the
" university." A prediction that proved not untrue ;
when afterward he was chosen Margaret professor
of divinity, being as yet but a private fellow of the
college. Whereof some years after he was made
master, and at last bishop of Salisbury. Where
with what gravity and moderation he behaved him-
self, how humble, hospitable, painful in preaching
and writing, may better be reported hereafter, when
his memory (green as yet) shall be mellowed by
time. He sat bishop about twenty years, and died
of a consumption anno 1641, to which, sensibleness
of the sorrowful times (which he saw were bad, and
foresaw would be worse) did contribute not a little,
I cannot omit, how some few hours before his death,
having lien for a long time (though not speechless,
yet) not speaking, nor able to speak, (as we beholders
thought, though indeed he hid that little strength
we thought he had lost, and reserved himself for
purpose,) he fell into a most emphatical prayer for
half a quarter of an hour. Amongst many heavenly
passages therein, he thanked God for this his
fatherly correction, because in all his lifetime he
never had one heavy affliction, which made him
often much suspect with himself, whether he was a
true child of God or no, until this his last sickness.
Then he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we
softly draw the curtains about him m.
m [See Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 281. He died April 20, 1641.]
FULLER, VOL. VI. O
194 The Church History book xi.
A'Jixl64i' 54. The whole bodies of cathedral churches, being
i6Chat>L
of too great a bulk to be blown up by their adveiv
chapters earies at once, they began with the quires, accusing
^ffiy the members thereof for useless and unprofitable,
parliament. r£^e practical court clergy were not so active and
diligent in defending these foundations, as it was
expected from their interest and relations11. Whe-
ther because they were disheartened at the imprison-
ment of their chief the archbishop of Canterbury, or
because some of them being otherwise obnoxious to
the parliament were loath therein to appear; or
because they vainly hoped that this heat once over,
all things would continue in their pristine condition ;
or because they were loath to plead in that suit,
wherein they despaired to prevail, as foreseeing those
places destined to dissolution.
An unjust 55. Yet some of the same side causelessly com-
plained of the backwardness of other moderate
cathedral men, that they improved not their power
n [This 8iipineness (if such this same year, "that the clergy
conduct deserves this name) " of England convented in any
was not more remarkable in the " convocation, or synod, or
" prelatical court clergy/' as " otherwise, have no power to
Fuller odiously calls them, " make any constitutions, ca-
than it was in the clergy in ge- " nons or acts whatsoever in
neral ; Laud and Wrenn were " matters of doctrine, discl-
in custody, Montague dying of " pline or otherwise to bind
an ague which carried him off " the clergy or laity of this
about this time, Mauwaring " land without common con-
disabled from sitting in the " sent in parliament ;" and yet
house by a censure passed on no one exclaimed against this
him some time before. These usurpation. Nor must the
as they were the ablest pre- clergy be blamed as if they
lates, so were they of undoubted were singular in this respect:
courage. But these had been the judges submitted with equal
removed to make safer way for supineness to the interference
the tyranny of the commons, of the commons in their juris-
Far more surprising is it that diction, and were as tame and
parliamenUhould have resolved as abject as others. To say
charge.
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
195
with their parliament friends so zealously as *heyA.D.id4i.
might in this cause, as beginning too late, and pro- -
ceeding too lazily therein, who should sooner have
set their shoulders and backs to those tottering
quires, so either to support them, or to be buried
under the ruins thereof. Whereas they did whatso-
ever good men could, or wise men would do in their
condition, leaving no stone unturned which might
advantage them herein.
56. Indeed it was conceived inconsistent with The cathe-
their gravity, to set themselves to fight against the endewmr
shadow of common rumour, (and so to feign an enemy £jfrj£££
to themselves,) whilst as yet no certainty of the par- a*****
liament's intentions to destroy deans and chapters.
What had this been but perchance to put that into
their brains, which otherwise they charitably believed
would not enter therein ? But no sooner were they
certified of the reality of their design, but they
vigorously in their callings endeavoured the preven-
tion thereof:
that no man possessed either
sufficient courage or principle
to resist these instances of ille-
gal oppression would be unfair :
some such there were, but they
were either paralyzed by the
rapid movements of the popular
party, or misled by the appa-
rent zeal and sanctity of design.
ing members. Great indeed
was the humiliation of the
church at this period of Eng-
land's history, but that humi-
liation consisted, not so much
in the loss of her temporal
power, and in the success of
her adversaries, as in the fact,
that she had now found how
little she possessed of the sym-
pathy of the people; that the
lowest and the wickedest could
wound her with impunity, im-
peach her ceremonies, libel her
bishops, blaspheme her ordi-
nances, cry aloud for her de-
struction, and none came for-
ward to defend her cause. This
indeed was degradation enough;
and it seems as if that degrada-
tion was needful to restore her
to the affections of the nation.
It was a degradation, but that
out of which she came not
merely unscathed but brighter
and stronger, a probation which
wiU be and has been a tower
of strength to her ever since,
and a lesson of wisdom if it be
used aright.]
02
196 The Church History book xi.
A6ChlfV' ^ appointing one in each cathedral church to
solicit their friends on this behalf.
By drawing up a petition (the same mutatis
mutandis) to house of lords and commons, which
(because never formally presented) I forbear to insert.
By retaining and instructing learned counsel to
move for them in the house. Until they were in-
formed that the orders of the house would not bear
any to plead for them, but that they must personally
appear and viva voce plead for themselves.
Dr. Hao- 57. Lest therefore their longer silence should by
in thed* posterity be interpreted, either sullenness that they
d^stnd would not, or guiltiness that they durst not, speak
chapters. for themselves, by their friends they obtained leave
to be admitted into the house of commons, and to
be heard what they could allege in their own be-
half. They made choice of Dr. John Hacket, pre-
bendary of Paul's, and archdeacon of [Bedford],
to be the mouth in the behalf of the rest. The
brief heads of whose speech, copied (by his leave)
out of his own papers, are here inserted0.
58. First he craved the favour of that honourable
house, to whom he was to speak on a double disad-
vantage. One caused from the shortness of time, this
employment being imposed on him but in the after-
noon of the day before. The other because he had
not heard what crimes or offences were charged on
deans and chapters (that so he might purge them
from such imputations), reports only flying abroad
that they were accounted of some of no use and
convenience ; the contrary whereof he should en-
deavour to prove, reducing the same to two heads,
° [Printed at full length by Dr. Plume, in his Life, p. xviii.
He had but one night to prepare himself.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 197
quoad res, et quoad personas, in regard of things of a. d. i64i.
great moment, and divers persons concerned in such —
foundations.
59- To the first. It is fit that to supply the
defects of prayer committed by private men, the
public duty thereof should be constantly performed
in some principal place (in imitation of the primitive
practice) and this is daily done in cathedral churches.
And whereas some complain that such service gives
offence for the super-exquisiteness of the music
therein (so that what was intended for devotion
vanished away into quavers and air), he, with the
rest of his brethren there present, wished the amend-
ment thereof, that it might be reduced to the form
which Athanasius commends, ut legentibus sint quam
cantantibus similiores. And here he spake much in
praise of the church music, when moderated to
edification.
60. Hence he passed to what he termeth the
other wing of the cherubin, which is preaching, first
planted since the reformation in cathedral churches,
as appears by the learned sermons which Dr. Alley
(afterwards bishop of Exeter) preached in the church
of St. Paul's, and since continued therein. Where
by the way he took occasion to refel that slander,
which some cast on lecture preachers as an upstart
corporation, alleging that the local statutes of most
or all cathedral churches do require lectures on the
week days. And in the name of his brethren he re-
quested that honourable house, that the godly and
profitable performance of preaching might be the
more exacted.
61. In the third place he insisted on the advance-
ment of learning, as the proper use and convenience
o3
198 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1641. of cathedrals, each of them being a small academy,
— for the champions of Christ his cause against the ad-
versary by their learned pens. Here he proffered
to prove by a catalogue of their names and works,
which he could produce, that most excellent labours
in this kind (excepting some few) have proceeded
from persons preferred in cathedrals or the univer-
sities. Now what a disheartening would it be to
young students, if such promotions were taken away,
witness the fewness of such admitted this last year
into the universities, and the deadness of the sale of
good books in St. Paul's churchyard, merely upon
a timorous imagination abroad, that we are now
shutting up learning in a case and laying it aside.
But if the bare threatening make such a stop in
literature, what will the blow given do thereon ?
62. Fourthly, he alleged that the ancient and
genuine use of deans and chapters was, as senatus
episcopi, to assist the bishop in his jurisdiction. Now
whereas some of his reverend brethren had lately
complained, that bishops have for many years usurped
the sole government to themselves, and their con-
sistories, the continuing of chapters rightly used
would reduce it from one man to a plurality of
assistants.
63. Lastly, the structures themselves should (said
he) speak for the structures. Not that he would
have them with Christ's disciples fondly to admire
the fabrics, but to put them in remembrance, that
cathedral churches were the first monuments of
Christianity in the kingdom.
64. From things he passed to persons, and began
with the multitude of such members as had main-
tenance from cathedrals, (some one of them allowing
cknt. xvii. qf Britain. 199
livelihood to three hundred, and) the total amount- a. D.1641.
tag to many thousands. All which by the dissolu —
tioiis of deans and chapters must be exposed to
poverty. Next he instanced in their tenants, who
holding leases from deans and chapters are sensible
of their own happiness, (as enjoying six parts of
seven in pure gain,) and therefore have petitioned
the house to continue their ancient landlords.
Thirdly, such cities wherein cathedrals stand, (if
maritime,) being very poor in trade, are enriched by
the hospitality of the clergy, and the frequent resort
of strangers unto them.
65. Then proceeded he to speak of the branches
of the whole kingdom, all being in hope to reap
benefit by the continuance of deans and chapters'
lands as now employed. For all men (said he) are
not born elder brothers, nor all elder brothers in-
heritors of land. Divers of low degree, but generous
spirits, would be glad to advance themselves, and
achieve an estate by qualifying themselves, by in-
dustry and virtue, to attain a share of cathedral
endowments, as the common possession of the realm,
inclosed in no private men's estate.
66. And whereas travellers inform them, that all
ranks and degrees of people in England, (knights,
gentlemen, yeomen,) live more freely and fashion-
ably than in any other countries, he trusted their
honours would account it reasonable, that the clergy
had in some sort a better maintenance than in
neighbouring reformed churches, and not, with Jero-
boam's priests, to be the basest of all the people.
67. Then did he instance in some famous pro-
testants of foreign parts, who had found great relief
and comfort by being installed prebendaries in our
o 4
£00 The Church History book xt,
ad. 1641. cathedral and collegiate churches0, as Dr. Saravia,
16 Chan. 1, pjgjggjj^ ^y qUeen Elizabeth, Dr. Casaubon (father
and son) by king James, Dr. Primrose, Mr. Vossius,
in the reign of king Charles, and Dr. Peter Moulin
alive at this day, and who intended to leave Sedan,
(if the warlike preparations there proceeded,) and
come over into England, where he should have but
sad welcome if all his livelihood were taken away
from him.
68. Nor could an act be done more to gratify
the church of Rome than to destroy deans and
chapters, seeing p Sanders himself seemeth to com-
plain, that queen Elizabeth had left provosts, deans,
canons and prebendaries in cathedral and collegiate
churches, because he foresaw such foundations
would conduce to the stability of religion, so that
by his words, a fetter sacrifice could not be offered
up to such as himself than the extirpation of them.
69- He went forwards to shew the benefit the
king and commonwealth reaped by such lands as
paying greater sums to the exchequer for first fruits
tenths and subsidies, according to the proportion,
than any other estates and corporations in the king*
dom ; and are ready (said he), if called upon,
cheerfully to contribute in an extraordinary manner
to the charge of the kingdom.
70. Now as he was by their honours' favour ad-
mitted to plead under that roof, where their noble
0 [Of whom those who were " losing his prebend at Canter-
alive at this time shewed their " bury, which king Charles the
gratitude by holding their peace " First conferred upon him
in the dangers of the church, " withgreatliberality." Plume's
satisfied with their own safety, Life of Hacket, p. xxv.]
Vossius particularly, " for fear ? De schismate Anglicano,
" of the parliament, and of p. 163.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 801
progenitors had given to the clergy so many charters, a.d. 1641.
privileges, and immunities, so he implored to find -
the ancient and honourable justice of the house
unto bis brethren who were not charged, much less
convicted of any scandalous faults, justly for the
same to forfeit their estates.
71. At last he led them to the highest degree
of all considerations, viz. the honour of God, to
whose worship and service such fabrics and lands
were dedicated, and barred all alienation with (which
he said is tremenda too) curses and imprecations;
he minded them of the censers of Korah and his
complices, pronounced hallowed % because pretended
to do God service therewith. And lest any should
wave this as a Levitical nicety, it was proverbial
divinity, as a received rule in every man's mouth :
It is a snare to a man that devoureth that which is
hclyx. He added the smart question of St. Paul,
Thou thai abhorrest idols, dost thou commit sacrilege f
and concluded, that on the ruins of the rewards
of learning no structure can be raised but ignorance,
and upon the chaos of ignorance nothing can be
built but profaneness and confusion.
72. This his speech was uttered with such be-T1*8Peech
1 well accept
coming gravity, that it was generally well resented, «l
and wrought much on the house for the present,
so that had the aliening of such lands been then put
to the vote, some (who conceived themselves know-
ing of the sense of the house) concluded it would
have been carried on the negative by more than six
score suffrages8.
4 Numbers xvi. 38. the first instance it was actually
r Proverbs xx. 25. thrown out: "In the after-
• [Dr. Plume says that in " noon it was put to the ques*
90S
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1 641. 73. In the afternoon Dr. Cornelius Barges, as
—speaker for his party, made a vehement invective
Us' speech against deans and chapters, and the unprofitableness
deras*and of such corporations* He heavily aggravated the
chapter*, debauchedness of singing-men, not only useless, but
hurtful by their vicious conversations. Yet he con-
cluded with the utter unlawfulness to convert such
endowments to any private persons' profit. So that
the same doctrine was delivered by both the doctors,
only they differed in their applications, the former
being for the continuing such lands to their ancient,
the latter for diverting them to other, but neither
for alienating them from public and pious employ-
ments*.
Hk ability 74. if since Dr. Burges hath been a large pur-
est divinity, chaser of such lands to himself; if since St. Andrew0,
the first converted, and St. Paul, the last converted
tt
tt
tt
tt
tion, and carried by many
votes, that their revenues
" should not be taken away ;
yet not long after, in the same
session, after a most unparlia-
mentary manner, they put it
" to a second vote, and without
" a second hearing voted the
" contrary." Life of Hacket,
p. xxv.]
* [There was a deeper motive
at bottom for suppressing ca-
thedral endowments; at least
with the lower orders. To keep
the king in good temper, the
Puritans had persuaded the
commons to grant him tonnage
and poundage for three years ;
but not to burthen the people,
and so become unpopular,
they determined to raise a fund
for the expenses of the nation
out of the revenues of the
thedrals. " The scaffolds in
" Westminster Hall " (says
Baillie) " are now ready —
" Monday is the first day of
" Strafford's cause. Some think
" his process will be short. To
"mollifV the king, they have
" given nim, the other day, the
" tonnage and poundage for the
" next three years, and some
" three subsidies, which with
" the former make nine. The
stop of trade here, through
men's unwillingness to ven-
" ture these three or four years
" bygone, has made this people
" much poorer than ordinary.
" They will be no ways able to
" bear their burthen if the ca-
" thedrals fail not." Lett.xxvii.
P. S. See also Lett, xxv.]
11 Wells and London.
tt
Ct
ckht. xvii. of Britain. 90S
apostle, have met in his purse. I doubt not but that a. d. 1641.
hVcan give Bufficient rsLn for the same, both toi^=±
himself and any other that shall question him there-
in. The rather because lately he read his learned
lectures in St. Paul's on the Criticisms of Conscience,
no less carefully than curiously weighing satisfaction
to scruples, and if there be any fault, so able a con-
fessor knows how to get his absolution1.
75. A bill brought up from the commons to the a medley
. , bill against
lords against bishops and clergymen, which, having bishops
several branches, was severally voted. granted,
i. That they should have no votes in parliament. ^y de"
ii. That they should not be in the commission
of the peace, nor judges in temporal courts.
iii. Nor sit in the Star-chamber, nor be privy
counsellors.
The two last branches of this bill passed by general
x [He was afterwards so " thereof since fallen on Dr.
large a purchaser of the bishops' " Burges. Lond. 1659. In
lands, that a little before tne " two parts." After the Resto-
Restoration he was offered ration, when his ill-gotten pos-
20,000/. for his bargain, which sessions reverted to their right-
he refused. Tojustifyhiscon- ful owners, this man was re-
duct, he put forth a tract en. duced to great distress, the
titled, " No Sacrilege nor Sin anguish of which was augment-
•4
U
it
to alien or purchase the ed by a terrible disease. And
" Lands of Bishops or others being reduced to the last ex-
" whose offices are abolished." tremity, he who had once pos-
Lond. 1659; and a shuffling sessed more influence over a
apology which he styled, " A factious house of commons than
Case concerning the Buying ever was possessed by Laud in
of Bishops' Lands with the the upper house, was compelled
" Lawfulness thereof. And the to sell his books for his sup-
" Difference between the Con- port, and was (to use his own
" tractors for Sale of those words) reduced to want a piece
" Lands and the Corporation of of bread. He died in obscu-
" Wells, (ordered, anno 1650, rity in 1665. See Wood's
" to be repaid to the then par- Athen. ii. p. 347, and Fuller's
" liament,) with the Necessity "Appeal" &c. at the conclusion.]
204 The Church History book xi.
a. 0.1641.000861119 not above two dissenting. But the first
.! !!U branch was voted in the negative, wherein all the
bishops gave their own voices for themselves ; yet,
had their suffrages been secluded, and the question
only put to the lay lords, it had been carried for the
bishops by sixteen decisive *.
At ia§t 76. After some days' debate, the lords who were
wholly cut
out. against the bishops protested that the former manner
of voting the bill by branches was unparliamentary
and illegal; wherefore they moved the house that
they should be so joined together as either to take
the bill in wholly or cast it all out. Whereupon
the whole bill was utterly cast out by many voices,
had not the bishops (as again they did) given their
suffrages in the same.
Mr. May- 77. Master Maynard made a speech in the com-
speecha- mittee of lords against the canons, made by the
canons, bishops in the last convocation, therein with much
learning endeavouring to prove,
i. That in the Saxons9 times (as Malmesbury,
Hoveden, sir Henry Spelman, &c. do witness) laws
and constitutions ecclesiastical had the confirmation
of peers and sometimes of the people, to which great
counsels our parliaments do succeed.
ii. That it appears out of the aforesaid authors
and others, that there was some checking about the
disuse of the general making of such church laws.
iii. That for kings to make canons without con-
sent of parliament cannot stand, because built on
a bad foundation, viz .on the pope's making canons
by his sole power, so that the groundwork not being
good the superstructure sinketh therewith.
7 [See Clarendon's Rebellion, i. p. 410.]
cent. xvn. of Britain. £05
iv. He examined the statute 25th of Henry VIII, ^£tf;
avouching that that clause, "The clergy shall not
u make canons without the king's leave/' implieth
not that by his leave alone they may make them.
Lastly, He endeavoured to prove that these canons
were against the king's prerogative, the rights, liber-
ties, and properties of the subject, insisting herein on
several particulars.
i. The first canon puts a penalty on such as dis-
obey them.
ii. One of them determineth the king's power and
the subject's right.
iii. It sheweth that the ordinance of kings is by
the law of nature, and then they should be in all
places and all alike.
iv. One of the canons saith that the king may not
be resisted.
v. Another makes a holy day, whereas that the
parliament saith there shall be such and no more.
This his speech lost neither life nor lustre, being
reported to the lords by the bishop of Lincoln, a
back friend to the canons, because made during his
absence and durance in the tower.
78. One in the house of commons heightened the Several
offence of the clergy herein into treason, which their if tSeder-
more moderate adversaries abated into a praemunire. ** 8 ence#
Many much insisted on the clerks of the convocation
for presuming (being but private men after the dis-
solution of the parliament) to grant subsidies, and so
without law to give away the estates of their fellow-
subjects.
79- A bill was read to repeal that statute ofAHiiread
against the
1 Elizabeth whereby the high commission court is high com-
erected. This bill afterwards forbade any archbishop,
206 The Church History of Britain. book xi.
a.d. 1641. bishop, &c, deriving power from the king to assess,
or inflict any pain, penalty, amercement, imprison-
ment, or corporal punishment for any ecclesiastical
offence or transgression. Forbidding them likewise
to administer the oath ex officio, or give oath to
churchwardens, sidesmen, or any others, whereby
their own or others' offences should be discovered.
SECT. IX.
DOM. THOMAE FISHER,
BARONETTO*.
Cum insignia tua gentilitia intueor, non turn adeo heraldicte.
tartit iananu, quim probe soiam, quid ribi velit manus iUa,
tatteUo interta.
Tfi tcilieet baronettum detignat, cum omnee in ilium ordmem
cooptati, ex institutions sua, adb VJtoniam, (Hibernice pro-
vinciam,) forti dsxtra defandendam teneantur.
At censum (prater hunc vulgarem) alium latiorem, et (quoad
meipiwn) latiorem, manui illi expanses, qua in too clypeo
spectabilu, tubem video. Index at tvmma tuts munifi-
eentia, quo nomine me tibi devindimmum projiteor.
MUTING matters of greater conse- a. D.164L
quence, know that the bill against the
Z- \. ■ ■ ,. .f. . .. The high
high commission was the third tune-^^ns^-
read in the house of lords and passed ^^_pot
it, which some days after was con-
firmed by his majesty. Thus the edge of the spi-
* [Arms. Three demi-Jions Jane, daughter of sir J. Prescot,
rampant gules, a chief indented lent, of Hoxne, Suffolk ; and
of tie second. This air Thomas died in 1670. See Lyson's En-
Fisher, bart. the second of that virons of London, lii. p. 153.
name, was son of sir Thomas He is sometimes described as
Fisher (who received his ba- being of St. Giles', Middlesex,
roaetcy in 1637) and Sarah, The title was extinct ia 1707.]
daughter of sir Thomas Fowler, b Seldenus in Titulia Ho-
bart. of Islington. He married noria. [p. 680, ed. 673.]
808 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1641. ritual sword, as to discipline, was taken away. For
- — although I read of a proviso made in the house of
lords, that the general words in this bill should
extend only to the high commission court, and not
reach other ecclesiastical jurisdiction; yet that proviso
being but written and the statute printed, all coer-
cive power of church consistories was taken away.
Mr. Pym triumphed at this success, crying out, Digit-
us Dei9 " It is the finger of God," that the bishops
should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised
in their power. Some disaffected to episcopacy ob-
served a justice, that seeing many simple souls were
in the high commission court by captious interro-
gatories circumvented into a self-accusation, an un-
suspected clause in this statute should abolish all
their lawful authority.
a bm for g. The bishop of Lincoln brought up a bill to
of bithopt. regulate bishops and their jurisdiction, consisting of
several particulars :
i. That every bishop being in his diocese not sick,
should preach once every Lord's day, or pay five
pounds to the poor, to be levied by the next justice
of peace, and distress made by the constable.
ii. That no bishop shall be justice of peace, save
the dean of Westminster in Westminster and St.
Martin's.
iii. That every bishop should have twelve assist-
ants, (besides the dean and chapter,) four chosen by
the king, four by the lords, and four by the com-
mons, for jurisdiction and ordination.
iv. That in all vacancies they should present to
the king three of the ablest divines in the diocese,
out of which his majesty might choose one to be
bishop.
CXNT. XVII.
of Britain.
209
v. Dean8 and prebends to be resident at theA.D. 1641.
, _ _ . , i6Chai. I.
cathedrals but sixty days.
Ti. That sermons be preached therein twice every
Lord's day, once every holy day, and a lecture on
Wednesday with a salary of one hundred marks.
viL All archbishops, bishops, collegiate churches,
&c. to give a fourth part of their fines and improved
rents, to buy out impropriations.
viii. All double beneficed men to pay a moiety of
their benefice to their curates.
ix. No appeal to the court of arches or audience.
x. Canons and ecclesiastical capitulations to be
drawn up and fitted to the laws of the land by six-
teen learned men, chosen six by the king, five by
the lords, and five by the commons.
This bill was but once read in the house, and no
great matter made thereof; the anti-episcopal party
conceived it needless to shave their beards, whose
beads they intended to cut off, designing an utter
extirpation of bishops c.
3. By the way the mention of a moiety to the a crying
curates, minds me of a crying sin of the English English
clergy conceived by the most conscientious amongst ergy"
them, a great incentive of divine anger against
them ; namely, the miserable and scandalous sti-
pends afforded to their curates, which made laymen
follow their pattern in vicarages unendowed, seeing
* [This seems to have been
in furtherance of a scheme
which the bishop entertained at
this period, of taking off the
edge of Presbyterian hosti-
lity, by moderating the power
of the bishops, and making
some provision for " painful
" preachers." " The bishop
FULLER, VOL. VI.
" was sure (says Williams) he
•• dealt with such as were bare
"and necessitous, from the
" Orcades to Berwick, and that
it was part of their errand
"into England to carry away
" gold and to get pensions."
Ibid, p-143-]
«
210 The Church History book xi.
A.D.i64i.guch who knew most what belong to the work
: allowed the least wages to the ministry. Hence
is it that God since hath changed his hand, making
many who were poor curates rich rectors, and many
wealthy incumbents to become poor curates. It
will not be amiss to wish thankfulness without pride
to the one, and patience without dejection to the
other.
a bill a. 4# a bill was sent up by the commons against
shop Matthew Wren, bishop of Ely, containing twenty-
five articles, charging him for being popishly affected,
a suppressor of preaching, and introducer of arbitrary
power to the hazard of the estates and lives of many.
They desired he might be sequestered from the king's
person and service d.
The M- 5. To return to the bishops : the commons per-
shopf im- ••ti • n i •
peached for cei ving that they were so tenacious of their votes
mgo in parliament, resolved vigorously to prosecute the
canons.
impeachment against them for making of canons,
expecting the bishops should willingly quit their
votes as barons to be acquitted of their praemunire,
whereby they forfeited all their personal estates;
yet the sound of so great a charge did not so affright
them but that they persisted legally to defend their
innocence.
Have time 6# The bishops that were impeached for making
and counsel \ * °
allowed canons craved time till Michaelmas term to make
their answer. This was vehemently opposed by
some lords, and two questions were put :
d [See these articles in Nal- unworthy to hold any spiritual
son's Collections, ii. p. 398. promotion or office in the church
Though they assumed merely or commonwealth, he was de-
the form of a charge, and the prived, and imprisoned in the
bishop was never brought to tower until the restoration,
his answer, yet being declared See Lloyd's Memoirs, p. 613.]
cknt. jbvii. o/Britam. 211
i. Whether the bishops should sit still in theA.D.1641.
house, though without voting, (to which themselves
consented,) whilst the circumstance of time for their
answer was in debate.
ii. What time they should have for their answer.
The first of these was carried for them by one
present voice and four proxies ; and for the second,
time was allowed them till the tenth of November.
And although the adverse lords pleaded that in
offences criminal, for matters of fact, no counsel
should be allowed them, but to answer yea or no ;
yet on the lord keeper's affirming it ordinary and
just to allow counsel in such cases, it was permitted
onto them e.
7. Bishop Warner of Rochesterf is chosen by joint The im-
oonsent to solicit the cause, sparing neither care nor^t^™"
cost therein. Of the counsel he retained two only^*JHV"
appeared, sergeant Jermin, who declined to plead for why-
them, except the bishops would first procure him a
warrant from the house of commons, (which they
refused to do,) and Mr. Chute, who, being de-
manded of the lords whether he would plead for the
bishops, " Yea," said he, " so long as I have a tongue
" to plead with." Soon after he drew up a de-
murrer in their behalf, that their offence in making
canons could not amount to a praemunire ; this being
shewn to the bishop of Lincoln, be protested that
he never saw a stronger demurrer all the days of his
life, and the notice hereof to the lords was probably
the cause, that they waved any further prosecution
of die charge, which henceforward sunk in silence.
8. Pass we now from the outworks of espicopacy
e [Ruthworth, iv. 282.] f [Wood's Athen. ii. p. 373.]
p 2
218 The Church History book xi.
a.Dli64i.(I mean the deans and chapters) thus fiercely storm-
! ed (but as yet not taken) to the bishops themselves,
dui^ac. wh° began to shake, seeing their interest and re-
mean Mrtfi. 8Pects *n ^e house of lords did daily decay and
decline. Yea, about this time came forth the lord
Brooke his book against bishops, accusing them in
respect of their parentage to be de face popidi, " of
" the dregs of the people," and in respect of their
studies no way fit for government, or to be barons
in parliament.
Sri?0***1 9« Whereupon the bishops, taking this accusation
«n*g* to heart, meet together, and in their own necessary
defence thought fit to vindicate their extractions,
some publicly, some in private discourse.
Dr. Williams e began, then archbishop of York,
(Canterbury being in the tower,) was accused in the
Star-chamber for purchasing the two ancientest
houses and inheritances in North Wales, (which are
Penrhyn and Quowilocke, ) in regard he was de-
scended from them. So that he might as truly
accuse all the ancient nobility of Britain as tax him
for meanly descended.
Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, did or might plead
that his parents lived in good fashion, and gave him
large allowance, first in the university, then in Gray's
Inn, where he lived as fashionably as other gentle-
men, so that the lord Brooke might question the
parentage of any inns-of-court-gentleman as well
as his.
Bishop Morton of Durham averred that his father
had been lord mayor of York, and borne all the
offices of that city with credit and honour, so that
* [See Hacket's Life of Williams, p. 6—7.]
CENT. XV11.
of Britain.
213
the lord Brooke might as justly quarrel the descent a. p. 1641.
of any citizens' sons in England h. —
Bishop Curie of Winchester his father was for
many years auditor in the court of wards to queen
Elizabeth and king James; and the aforesaid lord
may as well condemn all the sons of officers to be
meanly born as accuse him.
Bishop Cook of Hereford his father's family had
continued in Derbyshire, in the same house and in
the same means, four hundred years at least ; often
sheriffs of that county, and matched to all the best
<«
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h [" His coat armour and
pedigree will shew him to be
of the same original and stock
with that eminent prelate and
wise statesman, John Morton,
bishop of Ely, and lord chan-
cellor of England, afterward
archbishop of Canterbury and
cardinal. (See this History
under the year i486.)
And from hence the judicious
reader will conclude his an-
cestors could not be obscure,
at least since this cardinal's
time, for such persons as he
have seldom left their kin-
dred without some consider-
able preferments. If I were
so good an herald as to trace
up his pedigree to those times,
it is possible it would reach
to Thomas or John Morton,
whom the cardinal made his
heirs, as being sons to two of
his brothers, (Jo. Budden vit.
Jo. Mort. archiep. Cant. p.
50.) Sure I am that sir
Thomas Morton of Dorset-
shire, who reckoned his de-
scent from one of them,
sought him out and acknow-
ledged his kindred, and de-
c<
«
" sired his acquaintance, pre-
" sently after he appeared in
'* print, and long before he
" ascended to any considerable
eminency in the church. His
parents were Mr. Richard
" Morton, citizen and mercer,
" of York, and Mrs. Elizabeth
" Leedale his wife, who enrich-
" ed the world with him on
" Thursday, 20th of March,
" 1564. His father was so
" eminent in his calling, that
" there is not at this day
" [1660], nor hath been for
many years by-past, any mer-
cer in that city [York] who
" were not his apprentices either
" immediately or mediately.
*' His mother also was a gentle*
" woman of very good family,
" descended from the Valva-
sours by her mother's side*
and by whom not only the
" Valvasours', but the Lang-
" dales also, and other gen*
" tlemen of eminent worth
*' in Yorkshire, acknowledged
" themselves to be of his kin-
" dred." Barwick's Life of
Bishop Morton»p.6i. ed. Lond.
1660.]
PS
•<
*c
tt
tt
214 T/te Church History book zi.
a. D.1641. houses therein. So that the lord Brooke might as
— well have charged all the ancient gentry of that
sb ire for mean parentage as accuse him.
Bishop Owen of Asaph, that there was not a
gentleman in the two counties of Carnarvon and
Anglesea of three hundred pounds a year but was
his kinsman, or allieman, in the fourth degree, which
he thinks will sufficiently justify his parentage.
Bishop Goodman of Gloucester, that though his
very name seemed to point out his descent from
yeomanry, yet (though the youngest son of the
youngest brother) he had more left unto him than
the lord Brooke his father had to maintain him and
all his family. That his grandfather by his father's
side purchased the whole estate of sir Thomas Exmew,
lord mayor of London 1517, and that by his mother's
side he was descended of the best parentage of the
city of London.
The rest of the bishops might sufficiently vindicate
their parentage, as most the sons of ministers or lay
gentlemen, whose extractions ran not so low as to
any such feculancy charged upon them.
Thede- io. But moe symptoms of their dying power in
wherebythe parliament daily discovered themselves, some where-
cHnecHn of we will recount, that posterity may perceive by
parliament. ^j^ degrees they did lessen in the house before
they lost their votes therein.
First, Whereas it was customary that in all com-
missions such a number of bishops should be joined
with the temporal lords, of late their due proportions
were not observed.
The clerk of the parliament, applying himself to
the prevalent party in the reading of bills, turned his
back to the bishops, who could not (and it seems he in-
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
215
tended they should not) distinctly hear any thing, as i^:^*,1,
their consent or dissent were little concerned therein.
When a bill passed for exchange of lands betwixt
the bishop of London and sir Nicholas Crisp, the
temporal lords were offended that the bishop was
styled "right honourable" therein, which at last was
expunged, and he entitled " one of her majesty's
" most honourable privy council," the honour being
fixed upon his state employment, not episcopal
function.
On a solemn fast, in their going to church, the
temporal lords first took precedence of the bishops,
(who quietly submitted themselves to come behind,)
on the same token that one of the lay lords1 said,
u Is this a day of humiliation, wherein we shew
u so much pride in taking place of those to whom
u our ancestors ever allowed it ? "
But the main matter was, that the bishops were
denied all meddling even in the commission of pre-
paratory examinations concerning the earl of Straf-
ford, as causa sanguinis, and they, as men of mercy,
not to deal in the condemnation of any person. The
bishops pleaded, though it was not proper for them
to condemn the guilty, yet they might acquit the
innocent, and such an one as yet that earl was cha-
ritably presumed to be, until legally convicted to be
otherwise11. They alleged also in their own behalf,
' The young lord Spencer,
afterwards earl of Sunderland.
k [The subject has been
learnedly handled by the in-
imitable bishop Hacket in his
Life of Williams, (ii. p. 151.)
By the same canon law (with
which these lords played fast
and loose as it served their
purpose) bishops are strictly
inhibited from giving testimony
in causes of blood; yet the
archbishops of Canterbury and
Armagh, and the bishop of
London, were brought forward
by the house to give evidence
against the earl. But what
could be expected of those who
P 4
216 The Church History book xi.
^^'^j-that a commission was granted in the reign of queen
Elizabeth to certain privy councillors, for the exa-
mination of the queen of Scots, even to her con-
demnation, if just cause appeared1, and John Whit-
gift, archbishop of Canterbury, first named therein.
All would not prevail, the bishops being forbidden
any interposing in that matter.
ftSe^ii?*" 11- I* must not be forgotten, how about this time
ingiytore- the lord Kimbolton made a motion to persuade the
votes. bishops willingly to depart with their votes in par-
liament; adding, that if the same would surrender
their suffrages, the temporal lords who remained in
the house were obliged in honour to be more tender
of and careful for the bishops' preservation in their
jurisdictions and revenues. An instrument was em-
ployed by the earl of Essex, (or else he employed
himself, conceiving the service acceptable,) who
dealt privately with several bishops to secure them-
selves by prevention, to surrender that which would
be taken away from them. But the bishops per*
pulled down their king and their " them/' says Hacket, " prance
church, and then bowed their " about the streets in London,
nobility to the mock majesty of " with pistols in their holsters
Pym, homo ex argilla, el luto " and swords by their sides ;
facus Epicturao ?~\ " And so for Edge Hill, and
1 Camden's Eliz. in anno " Newbury, &c. Could they
1586. [Could there be any hy- " rush into so many fights and
pocrisy, any dishonesty more " be clear from cause of blood?"
flagrant than this ? When the Life of Williams, part ii. p. 153.
very same parliament appointed Baillie and Baxter, two of the
armed chaplains to attend their most celebrated among them,
armies ; when it was a common speak with sufficient satisfac-
practice with the Scotch and tion of the part which they
English rebels to inspire fresh took in animating their sol-
courage into their soldiers by diers to flesh their swords in
appointing ministers to preach the blood of their fellows ; but
before them on the very field the fact is too notorious to re-
of battle. " Have I not seen quire further comment.]
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
217
8isted in the negative, refusing by any voluntary a. d. 1641.
act to be accessary to their own injury, resolving l__!t_l
to keep possession of their votes, till a prevalent
power outed them thereof"1.
12. Now no day passed wherein some petition Multitude
was not presented to the lords or commons from ^gdrSTw.8
several persons against the bishops as grand griev-,ho,>s,
ancers, causing the general decay of trade, obstruct-
ing the proceedings in parliament, and what not.
Insomuch that the very porters (as they said) were
able no longer to undergo the burden of episcopal
tyranny, and petitioned against it. But hitherto
these were but blunt petitions, the last was a sharp
«" [The adviser was after-
wards that earl of Manchester
who plundered the universities.
Nothing could exceed the mi-
serable selfishness and cow-
ardice of the temporal lords,
on this as on other occasions;
plundering the church in pros-
perity, and forsaking it in its
adversity. With the excep-
tion of Strafford, and perhaps
one or two others, not one
came nobly forward in its de-
fence, noble in nothing but their
names. Their aid was like the
reed, whereon if a man leans it
shall even pierce through his
hand ; throughout the troubles
of the church, the first to pierce,
and then desert it. Strange
does it seem, that, in this reign
especially, more than all in one
whose heart was truly catho-
lic, such as Laud's, no attempt
should have been made to gain
the sympathies of the people,
even at this last and latest
hour, the only trustworthy
and hearty friends of the
church. " So am I full of this,"
(to use the words of Hacket,)
" to tell it to posterity, that
" the pitiful handful of lords
" temporal (and now tempo-
" rary) that adhered not to
" the king, and cashiered the
•• lords spiritual out of their
" society, for their immoveable
" fidelity, were dismounted for
" ever from their own privi-
" lege and honour, and might
•' pawn their parliament-robes
•' if they pleased. And the
" remainder of the commons,
" after Pride's purge, was so
" despicable, that every tongue
" was so audacious to give
" them the nickname of the
" posteriors of a beast ; and
" they put it up, lest angry
" wits should paste a greater
" scorn upon them." Life of
Williams, ii. 139. In its mi.
sery this church might have
long looked for help from those
whom she had befriended. The
people restored her, and they
only made her strong.]
218 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1641. one (with point and edge) brought up for the same
16 Chas. 1. , . - 1 , .
purpose by the armed apprentices.
a land-tide 13. Now, seeing men's judgments are at such a
tices Aw to distance about the nature of this their practice, some
Westmin- Arming it a tumult, mutiny, riot, others calling it
courage, zeal, and industry ; some admiring them as
acted with a public spirit above their age and edu-
cation, others condemning them much, their counte-
nancers more, their secret abettors and contrivers
most of all : I say, when men are thus divided in
point of judgment, it will be safest for us to confine
ourselves merely to matter of fact. Wherein also we
meet with much diversity of relation, though surely
wrhat a parliamentary chronicler"1 writes thereof
must be believed :
" Now, see how it pleased the Lord it should
" come to pass ; some of the apprentices and citizens
were again affronted about Westminster Abbey,
and a great noise and hubbub fell out thereabouts.
" Others some of them watched (as it seems by the
sequel) the bishops' coming to the parliament, who,
considering the great noise and disquiet which was
by land all about Westminster, durst not come to
the parliament that way for fear of the apprentices,
" and therefore intended to have come to parliament
" by water in barges. But the apprentices watched
" them that way also ; and as they thought to have
" come to land, they were so pelted with stones, and
" frighted at the sight of such a company of them,
" that they durst not land, but were rowed back, and
" went away to their places."
m John Vicars, God in the Mount, or Parliamentary Chro-
nicle, i. p. 58.
(4
<(
t<
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
£19
Thus the bishops were fain to shelter themselves a. d 1641.
from the shower of stones ready to fall upon them, —
and with great difficulty made their escape; who
otherwise on St. Stephen's day had gone St. Ste-
phen's way to their graves.
14. As for the hubbub at Westminster Abbey The man-
lately mentioned, eyewitnesses have thus informed "Jmuit at
me of the manner thereof. Of those apprentices 2^"SSy
who coming up to the parliament cried, "No bishops, J^Shite"
" no bishops," some rudely rushing into the Abbey to the pens
church, were reproved by a verger for their irre-torians.
verent behaviour therein. Afterwards, quitting the
church, the doors thereof by command from the
dean were shut up, to secure the organs and monu-
ments therein against the return of apprentices. For
though others could not foretell the intentions of
such a tumult, who could not certainly tell their
own, yet the suspicion was probable, by what was
uttered amongst them. The multitude presently
assault the church, (under pretence that some of
their party were detained therein,) and force a pane
out of the north door, but are beaten back by the
officers and scholars of the college. Here an un-
happy tile was cast by an unknown hand from the
leads or battlements of the church, which .so bruised
sir Richard Wiseman (conductor of the apprentices)
that he died thereof, and so ended that day's dis-
temper11.
n [" These Wat Tylers and
" Round Robins," says Hacket,
" being driven or persuaded
" out of Whitehall, there was
" a buz among them to take
" their way to Westminster
" Abbey. Some said, Lei us
" pluck down the organs; some
" cried, Let us deface the mo-
" numents ; that is, prophane
the tombs and burying-places
of king and queens. This
" was carried with all speed to
" the archbishop (Williams),
«
(*
220
The Church History
BOOK XT.
a. d. 1641. 15. To return to the bishops. The next day twelve
— — * of them repaired to Jerusalem chamber, in the
more than dean s lodgings ; and if any demand where were the
the bishops rest of them to make up twenty-six, take this account
5££. of their absence :
18. Dr. Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, was in
the tower.
4<
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• •
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tt
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«<
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4t
tt
ft
tt
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tt
the dean, who made fast the
doors, which they found shut
against them ; and when they
would have forced them, they
were beaten off with stones
from the top of the lends,
the archbishop all this while
maintaining the Abbey in his
own person, with a few more,
for fear they should seize on
the regalia, which were in
that place under his custody.
The spite of the mutineers
was most against him, yet
his followers could not entreat
him to go aside, as the disci-
ples restrained Paul from
rushing into an uproar. After
an hour's dispute, when the
multitude had been well
pelted from aloft, a few of
the archbishop's train open-
ed a door, and rushed out
with swords drawn, and
drove them before them like
fearful hares. They were
already passed their duty,
but short of their malice, and
every day made battery on
all the bishops as they came
to parliament, forcing their
coaches back, tearing their
garments, menacing if they
came any more. — What aid
did the lords afford to quell
these affronts? Why, Let
Sosthenes be beaten before the
tt
tt
tt
"judgment seal, Gallia cares
for none of these things.
" Acts xviii. 17." In these
tumults Morton, bishop of
Durham, as well as the rest,
was in great danger of his life.
•' I am sure," says Dr. Bar-
wick, " there could hardly be
" a fitter parallel to that at
" Ephesus (Acts xix. 31.)
" than these at Westminster,
" in one whereof this reverend
" bishop was in extreme hazard
" of his life, by the multitude
that were beckoned thither
by the contrivers of our late
miseries. Whereof some
•' cried, Pull him out of his
" coach : others, Nay, he is a
ce good man : others, But for
" all that he is a bishop. And
" I have often heard him say,
" he believed he should not
" have escaped alive, if a lead-
" ing man among that rabble
" had not cried out, Let him go
" and hang himself Which
" he was wont to compare to
" the words of the angel utter-
" ed by Balaam's ass ; though
" the rudeness of the expres-
" sion argued more of the ass
" than the angel." Life of
Morton, p. 103. This graphic
description clearly shews the
temper and conduct of nobles as
well as people at that time.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 821
14. Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, was keeping A-£- l6y.
his hospitality (it being Christmas) at Fulham.
15. So was Dr. Curie, at Winchester house, and it
was conceived unsafe (though but cross the Thames)
to send unto him.
16. So also was Dr. Warner of Rochester returned
to entertain his neighbours in the country.
17. Dr. Bridgman of Chester was not as yet come
out of the country.
18. Dr. Roberts of Bangor was not as yet comfe
out of the country.
19. Dr. Man waring, bishop of St. David's, sat not
in the house, as disabled long since by his censure in
parliament.
20. Dr. Duppa, bishop of Salisbury, was attending
his charge, prince Charles.
21. Dr. John Prideaux was not yet consecrated
bishop of Worcester.
22. Dr. Winniffe was not yet consecrated bishop
of Lincoln.
23. Dr. Ralph Brownrigg was not yet consecrated
bishop of Exeter.
24. Dr. Henry King was not yet consecrated
bishop of Chichester.
25. Dr. John Westfield was not yet consecrated
bishop of Bristol.
26. Carlisle was void by the late death of Dr. Potter,
only conferred by the king on archbishop Usher to
hold it in commendam.
Thus have we made up their numbers, and must not
forget, that a secret item was given to some of the
bishops by some of their well-wishers to absent
themselves in this licentious time of Christmas,
£9£ The Church History book xi.
a. D.1641. though they had not the happiness to make use of
16 Chas. I. ,, , .
the advice.
The form 16. The other twelve bishops, being not yet fully
recovered from their former fear, grief, and anger,
(which are confessed by all to be bad counsellors in
cases of importance,) drew up in haste and disturb-
ance such a protestation, that posterity already hath
had more years to discuss and examine, than they
had hours (I had almost said minutes) to contrive
and compose, and (most of them implicitly relying on
the conceived infallibility of the archbishop of York
in point of common law) all subscribed as folio we th :
To the king's most excellent majestyy and the lords
and peers now assembled in parliament p.
" Whereas the petitioners are called up by se-
" veral and respective writs, and under great penal
ties to attend tliQ parliament, and have a clear and
indubitable right to vote in bills and other
matters, whatsoever debatable in parliament by
" the ancient customs, laws, and statutes of this
" realm, and ought to be protected by your majesty,
" quietly to attend and prosecute that great service :
" They humbly remonstrate, and protest before God,
" your majesty, and the noble lords and peers now
" assembled in parliament, that as they have an in-
d ub it ate right to sit and vote in the house of the
lords ; so are they, if they may be protected from
" force and violence, most ready and willing to
P [See Hacket's Life of Wil- He called the bishops together,
liams, ii. p. 178. The archbi- according to Dr. Hacket, and
shop is said to have drawn this got them to put their hands to
protest from a similar one this protestation.]
which he found in the Tower.
a
tt
tt
cent. xvii. of Britain. fStS
u perform their dutiee accordingly: And that theyA.D.i64i.
" do abominate all actions or opinions tending to
" popery and the maintenance thereof, as also all
" propension and inclination to any malignant party,
" or any other side or party whatsoever, to the
44 which their own reasons and conscience shall not
u move them to adhere. But whereas they have
44 been at several times violently menaced, affronted,
44 and assaulted by multitudes of people in their
44 coming to perform their services in that honour-
" able house, and lately chased away and put in
44 danger of their lives, and can find no redress or
44 protection upon sundry complaints made to both
" houses in these particulars, they humbly protest
44 before your majesty and the noble house of peers,
44 that saving unto themselves all their rights and
44 interest of sitting and voting in that house at other
44 times, they dare not sit or vote in the house of
u peers, until your majesty shall further secure them
44 from all affronts, indignities, and dangers in the
44 premises. Lastly, whereas their fears are not
44 built upon phantasies and conceits, but upon such
44 grounds and objects as may well terrify men of
" resolution and much constancy, they do in all
humility and duty protest before your majesty and
peers of that most honourable house of parliament,
against all laws, orders, votes, resolutions, and
determinations, as in themselves null and of none
44 effect, which in their absence, since the 27th of
" this instant month of December 1641, have al-
44 ready passed, as likewise against all such as shall
44 hereafter pass in that most honourable house,
44 during the time of this their forced and violent
44 absence from the said most honourable house : not
u
u
u
2£4 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 164 i. " denying, but if their absenting of themselves were
- 1 " wilful and voluntary, that most honourable bouse
" might proceed in all their premises, their absence
u or this protestation notwithstanding. And humbly
" beseeching your most excellent majesty to com-
" mand the clerk of that house of peers to enter
" this their petition and protestation among his
" records,
" They will ever pray God to bless, &c.
" John Eborac. Geo. Heref.
" Tho. Duresme. Robt. Oxon.
" Ro. Co. & Lich. Ma. Ely.
" Jos. Norw. Godfr. Glouc.
" Jo. Asaph. Jo. Petroburg.
" Guli. Ba. & Wells. Maur. Landav.^
This instrument they delivered to archbishop Wil-
liams, who, according to their desire, his own
counsel and promise, at the next opportunity pre-
sented it to his majesty.
Thebj- 17. hjs majesty would not meddle therewith in
shops 1m- " "
peached of this dangerous juncture of time, (his great council
got!; then sitting,) but wholly remitted the matter to the
parliament. The next morning a privy councillor
brought this protestation into the house, at the
reading whereof the anti-episcopal party much
triumphed that the bishops had gratified them with
such an advantage against themselves, which their
adversaries might wish, but durst not hope for here-
tofore. A conference is desired with the commons
in the painted chamber, and therein concluded, that
q [Williams gave it to lord such a time to the king, when
keeper Littleton to present to he thought it would be unftu
the king. And Hacket in- vourably received and produce
sinoates, that the lord keeper most mischief. Life of Wil-
intentionally presented it at Hams, p. 178.]
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
8«5
the bishops should be impeached of high treason, for a.d. 1641.
endeavouring to subvert the fundamental laws of? —
the land, and the very being of parliaments r.
18. Hereupon the next day the twelve subscribers And com.
were voted to be committed to the Tower, save that Zhe tw.
bishop Morton, of Durham, and Dr. Wright, bishop
of Coventry and Lichfield, found some favour, partly
iu respect of their old age, and partly in regard of
the great good they had done with their pens and
preaching to the church of God : so that they alone
were sent to the custody of the black rod. The rest
being brought into the Tower, had that honour
granted them in the prison which was denied them
in the parliament, to be esteemed equal with, yea
above, temporal lords, as appeared by the fees de-
manded of them; though in fine sir John Byron,
lieutenant of the Tower, proved very courteous in
removing the rigour thereof. The archbishop of
Canterbury, by a civil message, excused himself for
not conversing with them, because he was com-
mitted on a different account from them, and pro-
bably they might mutually fare the worse for any
intercourse. And here we leave them prisoners for
eighteen weeks together, and proceed.
* [" That day" (says Hacket)
" it broke forth that the largest
" part of the lords were fer-
" men ta ted with an anti-cpi-
" scopal sourness. If they had
* loved that order, they would
" never have doomed them to
a prison, and late at night,
in bitter frost and snow, upon
no other charge but that they
" presented their mind in a
" most humble paper to go
" abroad in safety. Here was
FULLER, VOL. VI.
M
<•
" no sign of any filial respect
" to their spiritual fathers.
" Nothing was offered to the
" peers, but the substance was
" reason, the style lowly, the
" practice ancient; yet upon
" their pleasure, without de-
" bate of the cause, the bishops
" are packed away the same
" night to keep their Christmas
" in durance aud sorrow."
Hacket's Williams, ii. 179.]
it
u
a
226 The Church History book xi.
a.p. 1641. 19. Now was the bill against the bishops' sitting
— -in parliament brought up into the house of lords,
Newark and the matter agitated with much eagerness on
•peecfaes in b°th sides. Amongst those who sided with them,
of w2ibalf none appeared in print more zealous than the lord
viscount Newark, (afterward earl of Kingston, &c. 8)
whose two speeches in parliament, although spoken
some months* before, yet for the entireness of the
history may now seasonably be inserted u.
" T shall take the boldness to speak a word or
" two upon this subject, first as it is in itself, then as
it is in the consequence : for the former, I think
he is a great stranger in antiquity, that is not well
acquainted with that of their sitting here they
" have done thus, and in this manner, almost since
" the conquest ; and by the same power and the
" same right the other peers did, and your lordships
" now do ; and to be put from this their due, so
" much their due by so many hundred years,
" strengthened and confirmed, and that without any
w offence, nay, pretence of any, seems to me to be
" very severe ; if it be jus, I dare boldly say it is
" sum mum. That this hinders their ecclesiastical
" vocation, an argument I hear much of, hath in my
" apprehension more of shadow than substance in it :
" if this be a reason, sure I am it might have been
" one six hundred years ago.
" A bishop, my lords, is not so circumscribed
" within the circumference of his diocese, that his
" sometimes absence can be termed, no not in the
8 [Robert Pierrepoint, ere- * The first May 21, the se-
ated earl of Kingston in 1628. cond May 24, anno 1641.
See his character in Lloyd's u [See Nalson's Collections,
Memoirs, p. 434. See also this ii. p. 251.]
History, i. 125.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 287
"most strict sense, a neglect or hinderance of his*;?:1**1-
" duty, no more than that of a lieutenant from his
u county; they both have their subordinate min-
u isters, upon which their influences fall, though the
" distance be remote.
u Besides, my lords, the lesser must yield to the
* greater good ; to make wholesome and good laws
" for the happy and well regulating of church and
" commonwealth, is certainly more advantageous to
u both, than the want of the personal execution of
* their office, and that but once in three years, and
" then peradventure but a month or two, can be
" prejudicial to either. I will go no further to
" prove this, which so long experience hath done so
tf fully, so demonstratively.
" And now, my lords, by your lordships' good
u leave, I shall speak to the consequence as it
" reflects both on your lordships and my lords the
u bishops. Dangers and inconveniences are ever
" best prevented e longinquo ; this precedent comes
u near to your lordships, the bill indeed hath a
" direct aspect only upon them, but an oblique one
u upon your lordships, and such a one, that mutato
u nomine dc vobis. Pretences are never wanting,
" nay, sometimes the greatest evils appear in the
most fair and specious outsides ; witness the ship-
money, the most abominable, the most illegal
u thing that ever was, and yet this was painted over
" with colour of the law ; what bfcnch is secure, if
" to allege be to convince, and which of your lord-
u ships can say that he shall continue a member of
44 this house, when at one blow six and twenty are
u cut off? It then behoves the neighbour to look
u about him, cum prtwimus ardet Ucalegon.
Q 2
228 3FAe Church History book xi.
a.d. 1641. " And for the bishops, my lords, in what condition
1 " will you leave them? The house of commons
" represents the meanest person, so did the master
" his slave; but they have none to do so much for
" them, and what justice can tie them to the ob-
" servation of those laws, to whose constitution thev
" give no consent ? The wisdom of former times
" gave proxies unto this house merely upon this
" ground, that every one might have a hand in the
" making of that which he had an obligation to
" obey : this house could not represent, therefore
" proxies in room of persons were most justly
" allowed.
And now, my lords, before I conclude, I beseech
your lordships to cast your eyes upon the church,
" which I know is most dear and tender to your
" lordships ; you will see her suffer in her most prin-
cipal members, and deprived of that honour which
here and throughout all the Christian world ever
since Christianity she constantly hath enjoyed;
" for what nation or kingdom is there in whose
" great and public assemblies, and that from her
" beginning, she had not some of hers, if I may not
" say as essential, I am sure I may say as integral
" parts thereof? and truly, my lords, Christianity
" cannot alone boast of this, or challenge it only as
" hers, even heathenism claims an equal share.
" I never read of any of them, civil or barbarous,
" that gave not due honour to their religion, so that
u it seems to me to have no other original, to flow
" from no other spring, than nature itself.
" But I have done, and will trouble your lord-
" ships no longer ; how it may stand with the
" honour and justice of this house to pass this bill,
4(
a
cekt. xvii. of Britain. 229
"I most humbly submit unto your lordships, the a. d. 1641.
" most proper aud only judges of them both." -1 !t_l
His second speech x.
" I shall not speak to the preamble of the bill,
tt that bishops and clergymen ought not to inter-
u meddle in temporal affairs. For truly, my lords,
" I cannot bring it under any respect to be spoken
" of. Ought is a word of relation, and must either
" refer to human or divine law : to prove the law-
M fulness of their intermeddling by the former, would
* be to no more purpose, than to labour to convince
M that by reason which is evident to sense. It is
u by all acknowledged. The unlawfulness by the
tt latter the bill by no means admits of, for it ex-
u cepts universities and such persons as shall have
* honour descend upon them. And your lordships
" know that circumstance and chance alter not the
" nature and essence of a thing, nor can except any
" particular from an universal proposition by God
" himself delivered. I will therefore take these two
" as granted, first that they ought by our law to
44 intermeddle in temporal affairs ; secondly, that
u from doing so they are not inhibited by the law
41 of God, it leaves it at least as a thing indifferent.
u And now, my lords, to apply myself to the business
" of the day, I shall consider the conveniency, and
u that in the several habitudes thereof. But very
" briefly ; first in that which it hath to them merely
" as men, qua tales : then as parts of the common-
" weal : thirdly, from the best manner of consti-
tuting laws: and lastly, from the practice of all
" times both Christian and heathen.
* [See Nalson, ibid. p. 252.]
Q 3
830 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1641. " Homo sum, nihil humanum a me alienum puto9
*** *" was indeed the saying of the comedian, but it
" might well have become the mouth of the greatest
" philosopher. We allow to sense all the works
" and operations of sense, and shall we restrain
" reason ? Must only man be hindered from his
" proper actions ? They are most fit to do reasonable
" things that are most reasonable. For science
" commonly is accompanied with conscience ; so is
" not ignorance : they seldom or never meet. And
" why should we take that capacity from them
44 which God and nature have so liberally bestowed ?
" My lords, the politic body of the commonwealth
" is analogical to the body natural : every member
" in that contributes something to the preservation
" of the whole, the superfluity or defect which
44 hinders the performance of that duty, your lord-
" ships know what the philosopher calls dfxaprlav
" T179 (frvo-cm, ' nature's sin.' And truly, my lords, to
" be part of the other body, and do nothing bene-
" ficial thereunto, cannot fall under a milder term.
" The commonwealth subsists by laws and their
" execution : and they that have neither head in the
44 making nor hand in the executing of them, confer
" not anything to the being or well-being thereof.
44 And can such be called members unless most
" unprofitable ones? onljfruges conmmere nati.
44 Methinks it springs from nature itself, or the
" very depths of justice, that none should be tied by
" other laws than himself makes ; for what more
44 natural and just, than to be bound only by his
own consent? to be ruled by another's will is
merely tyrannical. Nature then suffers violence,
and man degenerates into beast. The most flourish-
ckkt. xvii. of Britain. 231
" ing estates were ever governed by laws of an uni- a.d. 1641.
" versal constitution ; witness this our kingdom, 1 —1
" witness senatus populusque Romanics, the most
" glorious commonwealth that ever was, and those
u many others in Greece and elsewhere of eternal
u memory.
" Some things, my lords, are so evident in them-
" selves, that they are difficult in their proofs,
" Amongst them I reckon this conveniency I have
" spoken of: I will therefore use but a word or two
" more in this way. The long experience that all
" Christendom hath had hereof for these 1300 years
" is certainly argumentum ad hominem. Nay, my
* lords, I will go further, (for the same reason runs
u through all religions,) never was there any nation
* that employed not their religious men in the
" greatest affairs. But to come to the business that
" now lies before your lordships. Bishops have
* voted here ever since parliaments began, and long
before were employed in the public. The good
they have done your lordships all well know, and
at this day enjoy : for this I hope ye will not put
** them out, nor for the evil they may do, which yet
u your lordships do not know, and I am confident
u never shall suffer. A position ought not to be
" destroyed by a supposition, et a posse ad esse non
" valet consequential My lords, I have done with
u proving of this positively ; I shall now by your
" good favours do it negatively in answering some
" inconveniences that may seem to arise.
" For the text, No man that wars entangles himself 'object 1.
" with the affairs of this life, which is the full sense
u of the word both in Greek and Latin, it makes not
" at all against them, except to intermeddle and
Q 4
u
44
232 The Church History book xi.
a. D. 1641." entanqle be terms equivalent. Besides, my lords,
i6Chas.I. . , , . 1.1 11 • •
« though this was directed to a churchman, yet it is
" of a general nature, and reaches to ail, clergy and
" laity, as the most learned and best expositors
" unanimously do agree. To end this, Argumentum
" symbolicum non est argumentativum.
Object. «. « It may be said, that it is inconsistent with a
" spiritual vocation : truly, my lord, grace and nature
" are in some respects incompatible, but in some
" others most harmoniously agree ; it perfects nature,
" and raises it to a height above the common aiti-
44 tude, and makes it most fit for those great works
44 of God himself, to make laws, to do justice. There
" is then no inconsistency between themselves, it
" must arise out of scripture ; I am confident it doth
44 not formally out of any place there, nor did I ever
44 meet with any learned writer of these or other
44 times that so expounded any text.
Object 3. « But though in strict terms this be not incon-
" sistent, yet it may peradventure hinder the duty
44 of their other calling. My lords, there is not any
44 that sits here more for preaching than I am ; I
•' know it is the ordinary means to salvation ; yet
" I likewise know there is not that full necessity of
44 it as was in the primitive times. God defend that
44 1600 years' acquaintance should make the gospel
44 of Christ no better known unto us. Neither, my
44 lords, doth their office merely and wholly consist
44 in preaching ; but partly in that, partly in praying
" and administering the blessed sacraments ; in a
44 godly and exemplary life ; in wholesome admo-
44 nitions ; in exhortations to virtue, dehortations from
44 vice ; and partly in easing the burdened conscience.
44 These, my lords, complete the office of a church-
cent. xvii. of Britain. 283
" man. Nor are they altogether tied to time orA.D. 1641.
" place, though I confess they are most properly -
" exercised within their own verge, except upon
" good occasion, nor then the omission of some can
" be termed the breach of them all. I must add
" one more, an essential one, the very form of
" episcopacy that distinguished it from the inferior
" ministry, the orderly and good government of the
" church : and how many of these, I am sure not
tt the last, my lords, is interrupted by their sitting
14 here once in three years, and then perad venture
" but a very short time ? And can there be a greater
* occasion than the common good of the church and
"state? I will tell your lordships what the great
* and good emperor Constentine did in his expe-
" dition against the Persians ; he had his bishops
u with him, whom he consulted about his military
" affairs, as Eusebius has it in his life, lib. iv.
" c. 56.
" Reward and punishment are the great nego- Object 4.
* tiators in all worldly business ; these may be said
" to make the bishops swim against the stream of
" their consciences. And may not the same be said
* of the laity ? Have these no operations but only
u upon them ? Has the king neither frown, honour,
u nor offices, but only for bishops ? Is there nothing
" that answers their translations ? Indeed, my lords,
" I must needs say, that in charity it is a supposition
u not to" be supposed ; no, nor in reason, that they
" will go against the light of their understanding.
"The holiness of their calling, their knowledge,
14 their freedom from passions and affections to which
14 youth is very obnoxious, their vicinity to the gates
11 of death, which, though not shut to any, yet always
u
284 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1641." stand wide open to old age: these, my lords, will
1 — --'. " surely make them steer aright.
Object 5. " But of matter of feet there is no disputation,
" some of them have done ill ; crimine ab uno disce
" omnes is a poetical not a logical argument. Some
" of the judges have done so, some of the magis-
" trates and officers ; and shall there be therefore
" neither judge, magistrate, nor officer more ? A
" personal crime goes not beyond the person that
" commits it, nor can another's fault be mine offence.
If they have contracted any filth or corruption
through their own or the vice of the times, cleanse
and purge them throughly: but still remember the
great difference between reformation and extirpa-
" tion. And be pleased to think of your triennial
" bill, which will save you this labour for the time
to come; fear of punishment will keep them in
order, if they should not themselves through the
" love of virtue. I have now, my lords, according
" to my poor ability, both shewed the conveniences
" and answered those inconveniences that seem to
" make against them. I should now propose those
" that make for them : as, their falling into a con-
" dition worse than slaves, not represented by any ;
" and then the dangers and inconveniences that may
" happen to your lordships : but I have done this
" heretofore, and will not offer your lordships cram-
" ben bis coctam"
These speeches (though they converted none of
the opposite) confirmed those of the episcopal party,
making the lords very zealous in the bishops' behalf.
Temporal 20. There were in the house many other defenders
vouren of of episcopacy ; as William [Seymour], lord marquess
"*■»■■ of Hertford, the earl of Southampton [Thomas
C4
CSKT. XVII.
of Britain.
2S5
"Wriothesley], the earl of Bristol [John Digby], and A.D.1641.
the lord Digby his son, and (the never to be for- 1
gotten) Henry [Bourchier], earl of Bath, a learned
lord and lover of learning, oftentimes on occasion
speaking for bishops ; once publicly professing it one
of the greatest honours which ever happily happened
to his family, that one thereof (Thomas Bourchier
by name) was once dignified with the archbishopric
of Canterbury. Many other lords (though not
haranguing it in long orations), by their effectual
votes for bishops, manifested their unfeigned affec-
tions unto them.
21. About this time there were many vacant The death
cathedrals, which the king lately had or now didMouii-0p
furnish with new bishops; Dr. Joseph Hall being tague'
removed from Exeter to Norwich, void by the death
of Richard Mountague, born in Westminster v, bred
in Eton School, fellow in King's College; a great
Grecian, and church antiquary, well read in the
J [Born at Dorney, according
to Wood, Ath. i. 732. He was
translated from Chichester to
Norwich 4th of May 1638,
where he died, and was buried
in the choir of the cathedral
church ; " where to this day,"
say 8 Wood, " is this only written
" on his grave, * Depositum
" Montacutii episcopi.' He
" came to Norwich with the
" evil effects of a quartan ague
" which he had about a year
" before, and which accom-
" panied him to his grave ; yet
" he studied and wrote very
" much, had an excellent li-
brary of books, and heaps of
papers fairly written with his
(%
n
«
own hand concerning the
" ecclesiastical history. He
" was a person exceedingly
" well versed in all the learning
" of Greeks and Romans, and
" as well studied in the fathers,
" councils, and all other monu-
" Dients of the Christian world
" as any man beside in the
" whole nation." He was much
esteemed by the learned sir
Hen. Saville, whom he assisted
in his edition of St. Chrysostom,
and besides the pieces men-
tioned before in this History,
was the author of an ecclesias-
tical history which he left un-
finished, and editor also of
the Epistles of Photius.]
286 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1641. fathers. But (all in his diocese not being so well
— skilled in antiquity as himself) some charged him
with suj>er8titious urging of ceremonies, and being
accused in parliament he appeared not, (being very
weak,) but went" a more compendious way, to
answer all in the high court of heaven.
Eminent 22. As for new elected bishops, his majesty was
persons ' most careful to choose them out of the most sound
bishops, for judgment and blameless for conversation.
i. Dr. John Prideaux, almost grown to the king's
professor's chair in Oxford, he had sat so long and
close therein : procuring, by his painful and learned
lectures, deserved repute at home and amongst
foreign protestants : he was made bishop of
Worcester.
ii. Dr. Thomas Winniffe, dean of St. Paul's ; a
grave, learned, and moderate divine; made bishop
of Lincoln.
iii. Dr. Ralph Brownrig, of most quick and solid
parts, equally eminent for disputing and preaching;
made bishop of Exeter.
iv. Dr. Henry King, acceptable on the account of
his own merit, and on the score of a pious and
popular father ; made bishop of Chichester.
v. Dr. John Westfield, for many years the painful
and profitable preacher of great St. Batholomew's,
London ; made bishop of Bristol. He died not long
after.
Surely, si urbs defensa, fuisset his dextris^ if Divine
Providence had appointed that episcopacy (at this
time) should have been kept up and maintained,
more probable persons for that purpose could not
* He died on the 1 2th of April.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 887
have been picked out of England; so that envy andA.D. 1641.
detraction might even feed on their own flesh, their l? M"
teeth finding nothing in the aforesaid elects to fasten
upon.
23. But episcopacy was so for from faring the ah would
better for them, that they fared the worse for it,
insomuch that many who much loved them in their
gowns did not at all like them in their rochets.
24. The bill was again brought in against bishops' Ad!sad-
votes in parliament, and that in a disadvantageous juncture of
juncture of time, the bishops then being under aDfchops.
threefold qualification.
i. Imprisoned in the tower. Of these eleven,
besides archbishop Laud, whose absence much weak-
ened the party.
ii. Lately consecrated, and later inducted into the
house of lords, as the bishops of Worcester, Lincoln,
Exeter, Chichester, Bristol, such their modesty and
manners, they conceived it fitting to practise their
hearing before speaking in the house. So that in
some sort they may be said to have lost their voices
before they found them in the parliament.
iii. The remainder of ancient bishops, London,
Salisbury, Bangor, &c, who seldom were seen (de-
tained with other occasions) and more seldom heard
in the parliament.
So that the adversaries of episcopacy could not
have obtained a fitter opportunity (the spirits of time
at large being distilled thereinto) than in this very
instant to accomplish their desires.
25. Only Dr. John Warner, bishop of Rochester, Bishop
was he in whom dying episcopacy gave the last best cham-
groan in the house of lords, one of good speech and u&ajZ
a cheerful spirit ; and, which made both, a good purse ;
288 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1641. and, which made all three, a good cause, as he con-
— ceived in his conscience, which made him very per-
tinently and valiantly defend the antiquity and justice
of bishops' votes in parliament. This is he of whose
bounty many distressed souls since have tasted,
whose reward no doubt is laid up for him in another
world.
Theprind- 26, The main argument which was most insisted
gftinttbi?" on against their temporal baronies were the words
jjjjjfjj1** of the Apostle, No man which warreth entangleth
himself with the affairs of this life*. Their friends
pleaded, 1. That the words equally concerned all
militant Christians, bishops not being particularized
therein. 2. That it was uncharitable to conclude
their fingers more clasping of the world, or the
world more glutinous to stick to their fingers, that
they alone of all persons could not touch the world
but must be entangled therewith. But it was an-
swered, that then, a fortiore, clergymen were con-
cerned in the text aforesaid not to meddle with
worldly matters, whose governing of a whole diocese
was so great an employment, that their attendance
in parliament must needs be detrimental to so care-
ful a vocation.
Earl of 27# The earl of Bristol engaged himself a valiant
Bristol's e ©
plea for bi- champion in the bishops9 behalf ; he affirmed, that it
op8" was according to the orders of the house, that no
bill being once cast out should be brought in again
at the same sessions. Seeing therefore the bill
against bishops' votes had formerly been clearly
carried by many decisive votes for the bishops, it
was not only pr&ter, but con/ra-parliamentary, it
should be brought again this session.
* 2 Tim. ii. 4.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 239
28. But seeing this parliament was extraordinary A-^-l64»-
in the manner and continuance thereof, (one session
Refuted to
being likely to last for many years,) it was not con-othen.
ceived fit they should be tied to the observance of
such punctual niceties ; and the resumption of the
bill was not only overruled by votes, but also it was
clearly carried in the negative, " That bishops never
" more should vote as peers in parliament."
29. Nothing now wanted, save the royal assent, The king
to pass the said votes into a law. The king appear- to^nsent.
ed very unwilling therein, partly because he con-
ceived it an injury to give away the bishops' un-
doubted right, partly because he suspected that the
haters of the function and lovers of the lands of
bishops would grow on his grants and improve
themselves on his concessions, so that such yielding
unto them would not satisfy their hunger, but quicken
their appetites to demand the more hereafter.
80. The importunity of others pressed upon him, But is im-
that to prune off their baronies was the way to pre- thereunto.
serve their bishoprics ; that his majesty, lately ob-
noxious to the parliament for demanding the five
members, would now make plenary satisfaction, and
give such assurance of his affections for the future,
that all things would answer his desired expectation.
This was set home unto him by some (not the far-
thest) relations, insomuch that at last he signed the
bill, as he was in St. Augustine's in Canterbury,
passing with the queen towards Dover, "then under-
taking her voyage into the Low Countries5.
D [Hacket has not failed to king should have consented to
notice these unjust and cow- pass the bill. "Why he did
ardly proceedings against the " it," he says, " is a thing
church. He wonders that the " not well known, and wants
840
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1641. 81. Many expected and more desired that the
- — ■ — 1 king's condescension herein should put a period unto
55^? yall differences ; but their expectations were frustrate,
and not long after the king apprehending himself in
danger by tumults, deserted Whitehall, went into
the north, erected his standard at Nottingham;
Edge-hill field was fought, and much English blood
on both sides shed in several battles : but I season-
ably remember that the church is my castle, viz.
that the writing thereof is my house and home,
wherein I may stand on my own defence against all
who assault me. It was good counsel king Joash
gave to king Amaziah, Tarry at home* ; the prac-
" more manifestation ; 'neces-
" sity was in it/ say they that
" would look no further ; — the
" most said, that nothing was
" more plausible than this to
" get the people's favor." He
then states what he undoubt-
edly considered to be the real
cause, although his respect and
reverence to the king forbade
him to speak out as clearly and
positively as he might have done.
" Fear," he says, " had not so
" much stroke in this, as the
" persuasions of one whom his
" majesty loved above all the
" world. The king foresaw
" he was not like to get any
" thing from this parliament
" but a civil war, he would not
" begin it, but on their part he
" heard their hammers already
at the forge. — He being most
tender to provide for the
" safety of his queen, went
with her to Dover to convey
her into France. — Being at
" Dover, the queen would not
part with the king to ship.
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board till he signed this bill,
being brought to believe by
all protestation from sir
John Culpepper, who at-
tended there for that dis-
patch, that the lords and
commons would press his ma-
jesty to no more bills of that
unpleasing nature. So the
king snatched greedily at a
flower of a fair offer ; and
though he trusted few of the
men at Westminster, yet in
outward show he would seem
to trust them all, the more
because the queen had such
confidence in them. How
Culpepper instilled this into
the queen and how she pre-
vailed, York is my author,
and could not deceive me,
for he told me in the Tower,
' That the king had sacrificed
the clergy to this parliament
by the artifices contrived at
Dover, a day before the news
were brought to London.' "]
c 2 Kings xvi. 10.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 241
tice whereof shall I hope secure nie from many a.d. 1641.
mischiefs. LI
32. About this time the word malignant* was Malignant
first born (as to the common use) in England, thefir§tco,ned'
deduction thereof being disputable, whether from
mains ignis, " bad fire," or malum lignum, " bad fuel;"
but this is sure, betwixt both the name made a com-
bustion all over England. It was fixed as a note of
disgrace on those of the king's party, and (because
one had as good be dumb as not speak with the
Tolge) possibly in that sense it may occur in our
ensuing history. However, the royalists plead for
themselves, that malignity* (a scripture word) pro-
perly denoteth activity in doing evil, whereas they,
being ever since on the suffering side in their per*
sons, credits, and estates, conceive the name impro-
perly applied unto them; which plea the parlia-
mentary party smile at instead of answering, taking
notice of the affections of the royalists, how malig-
nant they would have appeared if success bad be-
friended them.
33. Contemporary with malignant was the word And the
-. word plun-
plunder, which some make of Latin original, fromder.
planum dare, " to level," or plane all to nothing.
Others make it of Dutch extraction, as if it were to
plume or pluck the feathers of a bird to the bare
skin. Sure I am, we first heard thereof in the
Swedish wars, and if the name and thing be sent
back from whence it came, few English eyes would
weep thereat.
34. By this time ten of the twelve bishops, for-
d [It is used by the parlia- this time to the king.]
ment in their remonstrance e Rom. i. 29.
which they addressed about
FULLER, VOL. VI. R
248
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. i64*.merly subscribing their protestation to the parlia-
^—m — '■ ment, were (after some months durance, upon good
shops In bail given) released; two of them finding great
tdJiri?* favour in their fees from the lieutenant of the tower,
in respect of their great charge and small estate.
These now at liberty severally disposed themselves ;
some went home to their own diocese, as the bishops
of Norwich, Oxford, &c. : some continued in Lon-
don, as the bishop of Durham, not so rich in age,
as in all commendable episcopal qualities: some
withdrew themselves into the king's quarters, as
archbishop Williams, &c. Only bishop Wren was
still detained in the tower, where his long imprison-
ment (being never brought in to a public answer)
hath converted many of his adversaries into a more
charitable opinion of him f.
f [On this passage Dr. Hey-
lyn observes, " He telleth us
" that when all others were re-
•• leased, bishop Wren was still
44 detained in the Tower, which
" is nothing so. That bishop
" was released upon bail when
" the others were, returned un-
" to his diocese as the others
" did, and there continued for
" a time ; when of a sudden he
" was snatched from his house
" at Downham, in the Isle of
" Ely, carried to the Tower,
" and there imprisoned, never
" being brought unto a hear-
" ing, nor any cause shewn for
" his imprisonment to this very
" day." Fuller rejoins. "Would
" it were ' nothing so.' Si mea
" cum vesiris valuissent vota.
" If the animadverter's and au-
" thor's joint desires might
" have taken effect, there had
" been no difference about this
" passage in my book.
" Tuque domo propria, not te Prmtul
poteremur,
" Thou hadst enjoyed thy house, and
we,
" Prelate, had enjoyed thee.
" But alas, it is so ; he is still,
" and still when all other bi-
" shops are released, detained
" in the Tower, where I be-
•• lieve he maketh God's ser-
" vice his perfect freedom. My
" words, as relating to the time
" when I wrote them, contain
" too much sorrowful truth/*
The Appeal, &c. part iii. p. 5 1 .
The Church History was writ
ten in 1655. The Appeal in
1659. Bishop Wren was first
sent to the Tower in 1641.
To this bishop, if I mistake
not, bishop Sprat refers in his
discourse to his clergy in 1695.
CINT. XYJt.
of Britain,
248
35. The bishops' votes in parliament being dead
and departed, (neither to be helped with flattery nor
«
«<
<•
Entreating them to study the
scriptures, he sets before them
the following instance : " The
" more to encourage your stu-
" dies in this method, if you
" shall he necessitated to it,
" give me leave to present you
" with one example of a great
" divine and bishop, in the
"time of king Charles the
" First, who was one of the
" most eminent confessors then,
" and survived those calamities
" to die in peace and tranquil-
" lity several years after the
" return of king Charles the
Second.
" In the common persecu-
tion, which then happened
to the whole episcopal order,
" this reverend person was ex-
" posed to a more than ordi-
" nary degree of popular ma-
" lice and rage ; so that, with-
" out ever being once brought
" to his trial, he was closely
imprisoned in the Tower for
almost twenty years, and was
not only despoiled of his an-
nual revenue and personal
estate in the first fury of the
" civil wars, but was also plun-
" dered of most of the collec-
" tions of his former labours,
and a very considerable li-
brary.
" Wherefore, being thus laid
up in prison, without any
prospect of liberty, having
"also a numerous family to
44 maintain, so that he was not
Mable, in any sort, to repair
" the loss of his books and pa.
"pen, he betook himself to
u
•t
u
it
it
«
•<
c<
tt
»c
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
It
tt
<i
tt
II
It
ft
tt
tt
it
it
it
it
tt
tt
II
it
««
tt
tt
tt
tt
It
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
it
tt
tt
it
this course of study : well
knowing that he could have
no faithfuller companion for
his solitude, nor surer conso-
lation in his afflictions, than
the holy scriptures, he ap-
Slied himself to them imme*
iately, with little other help
but what he had within him-
self, and the best prints of
the originals in the learned
tongues, and their translation
in the learned and modern,
in both which he was a great
master.
" Thus, however, he firmly
and vigorously proceeded so
far in the single study of the
scriptures, that long before
his enlargement he had com-
posed a great mass of anno-
tations on divers parts of the
Bible. What is become of
them I know not. If they
are either embezzled or sup.
pressed, no doubt it is to
the great damage of the
church ; since the native
thoughts of a great man are
generally, at least, as good as
the most artificial.
" Perhaps you will say, he
might be able to do all this
by the strength of his me-
mory, and the variety of
learning he had laid up in it
beforehand : and I make no
doubt but those were an ex-
ceeding great assistance to
him.
•• But what was very re-
markable, and for which I
am bold to produce him as
an instance worthy your imi-
R 2
A. D.1642.
18 Chas. I.
A query
worth in-
quiring.
\
244
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. D. 1643. hurt with malice,) one word of inquiry in what
fl ft f^ltBfl T
" notion they formerly voted in parliament.
Whether j as a distinct third
estate of the clergy, or,
This was formerly receiv-
ed for a truth, countenanced
with some passages in the
old statutes, reckoning the
lords spiritual, and lords tem-
poral, and the commons, to
be the three estates, the
king (as paramount of all)
not comprehended therein.
Whether , as so many single
barons in their temporal
capacity.
This is maintained by
those who account the king,
the lords, and commons, the
three estates, amongst which
lords the bishops (though spi-
ritual persons) appeared as
so many temporal barons;
whose absence is no whit
prejudicial to the acts passed
in parliament.
Some of the aged bishops had their tongues so
used to the language of a third estate, that more
than once they ran on that (reputed) rock in their
speeches, for which they were publicly shent, and
enjoined an acknowledgment of their mistake,
routed *6# The convocation now not sitting, and many
within par- matters of religion being brought under thecognizance
«
«<
<«
cc
€t
it
<<
f<
<(
tation in this particular, I
know he was often heard to
profess solemnly, that in all
his former studies, and vari-
ous reading and observations,
he had never met with a more
useful guide or a surer in-
terpreter to direct his paths
in the dark places of the lively
oracles, to give information
to his understanding in the
obscure passages, or satis-
" faction to his conscience in
" the experimental truths of
" them, than when he was thus
" driven by necessity to the
" assiduous contemplation of
" the scripture alone, and to
" weigh it by itself, as it were
" in the balance of the sanc-
•' tuary." — The Clergyman's
Instructor, p. 263, ed. Oxford,
1 827. See also the preface to
Wren's Jncrepatio Bar JesuJ]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 245
of the parliament, their wisdoms adjudged it not^^J^Y*
only convenient but necessary, that some prime cler-
gymen might be consulted with. In order where-
unto they resolved to select some out of all counties,
whom they conceived best qualified for their design
herein, and the first of July was the day appointed
for their meeting.
r3
SECT. IX.
TO
MR. GILES VANDEPUT*,
MR. GILES CLEGATb,
MR. PETER MATTHEWS',
OF LONDON, MERCHANTS.
A threefold cable is not easily broken, and a triplicate of
friends may be presumed effectual to protect my endeavours,
of whom two are of Dutch) the third in the midst of English
extraction, not falling there by casual confusion, but placed
by designed conjunction. Methinhs it is a good sight, to
a [Arms. Or, three dolphins
haurient azure. Collins, in his
Baronetage, gives a very just
account of this family. " This
" family," he says, " has been
" of great eminence in the
" Netherlands, and the present
" sir Peter Vandeput, bart."
(this was written in 1 741 , since
which time the title has become
extinct) " is the sixth in a li-
*' neal descent from Henry Van -
" deput, of Antwerp, who fled
" from thence with several
" wealthy families, anno 1568,
"the nth of Elizabeth," (on
the persecution of the duke
D'Alva to extirpate the Pro-
testant religion in the Nether-
lands,) " and brought over hi-
" ther a good estate ; though
several branches of his family
a
" are still remaining in the Low
" Countries. Giles Vandeput,
" esq." (mentioned by Fuller)
" son of the above Henry, mar-
" ried Sarah, daughter and
" heir of John Joupin, esq., by
" whom a considerable estate
" came into this family : he
" died March 24, 1656, leaving
" Peter his son and heir, who
" married Jane, daughter of
" Theodoric Hoste, of London,
" merchant. Peter Vandeput,
" lineal descendant from Giles
" Vandeput, was created a
" bart. in 1723 ." — Collins's
Baronetage, iv. 204.
An act for his naturalization,
in 1624, is printed in Rush,
worth, i. 153. The inscription
on his tombstone, as given by
Collins, fixes his death in 1 646;
cekt. xvii. The Church History of Britain. 847
behold the Dutch embracing the English, and this dedication
may pass for the emblem of the late agreement, tohieh God
long continue, if for the mutual good of both nations.
jHEN on this day the assembly of di-*-"^*?-
nnes, to consult about matters of re- r »
J he nnt
ligion, met at Westminster, in the mowing of
chapel of king Henry the Seventh jbly.
then the constitution of this assembly,
as first elected and designed, was to consist of about
one hundred and twenty persons chosen by the par-
liament (without respect of dioceses) in relation to
shires, two or more of a county. They thought it
not safe to intrust the clergy with their own choice,
of whose general corruption they constantly com-
plained, and therefore adjudged it unfit that the
distempered patients should be or choose their own
physicians.
2. These elects were of four several natures, as The four
the quarters of the same body, easily distinguishable tl"£4™ of
by these conditions or opinions. hi*.™""1"
First, Men of episcopal persuasion ; as the right
reverend James Usher, archbishop of Annagh ; Dr.
Brownrigg, bishop of Exeter ; Dr. Westfield, bishop
of Bristol ; Dr. Daniel Featley ; Dr. Richard Holds-
worth, &c.
Secondly, Such who in their judgments favoured
but this must be a mistake for ward Clcgatt, draper, Kent, and
1656, for Fuller could scarcely his coat empaled with Gadden.
be unacquainted with it, and bo I lind him mentioned as being
rk of him, us being alive at of Leyborn Castle, in the same
time, 1655.] county, yet no notice of him or
b [Arms. Ermine, on a fess his family is found in Hasted.}
table three pheons or. See the e [Of this person I can dis.
Harleian MS8. 1086, p. 18, cover no traces.]
where he ia styled colonel Ed-
248
The Church History
BOOK XI,
a. d. 164a. the presbyterian discipline, or in process of time
1 Iwere brought over to embrace it, amongst whom
(to mention those who seemed to be pillars, as on
whose abilities the weight of the work most lay)
we take special notice of
Dr. [Joshua] Hoyle, divinity professor in Ireland,
Cambridge.
Dr. Th. Gouge of Black friars.
Dr. Smith of Bark way,
Mr. Oliver Bowles.
Mr. Thomas Gataker.
Mr. Henry Scudder.
Mr. Anthony Tuckeners.
Mr. Stephen Marshall.
Mr. John Arrowsmith.
Mr. Herbert Palmer.
Mr. Thomas Throughgood.
Mr. Thomas Hill.
Mr. Nathaniel Hodges.
Mr. Gibbons.
Mr. Timothy Young.
Mr. Richard Vines.
Mr. Thomas Coleman.
Mr. Mathew Newcomen.
Mr. Jeremiah W hi taker.
&c.
Oxford.
Dr. William Twiss.
Dr. Cornelius Burgess.
Dr. [Edmond] Stanton.
Dr. White of Dorchester,
Mr. Harris of Han well.
Mr. Edward Reynolds.
Mr. Charles Herle.
Mr. Corbet of Merton Col'
lege.
Mr. Conant.
Mr. Francis Cheynell.
Mr. Obadiah Sedgwick,
Mr. Cartar, senior.
Mr. Cartar, junior.
Mr. Joseph Caryll,
Mr. Strickland.
&cd.
I hope an et ccetera (so distasteful elsewhere) may
be permitted in the close of our catalogue, and am
confident that the rest here omitted as unknown
unto me will take no exception. The like assurance
d [Their names will be found
at length in the ordinance for
calling the assembly of divines,
printed in Dugdale's Short
View, &c. p. 90 2. See also Wal-
ker's Sufferings of the Clergy,
Intr. p. 29.]
asm. xti i . of Britain . 249
I have, that none will cavil if not reckoned up in a. d. 1643.
their just seniority, both because they know I was -
none of the register that entered their admissions in
the universities, and because it may savour some-
thing of a prelatical spirit to be offended about
precedency.
Thirdly, Some zealous ministers, who formerly dis-
liking conformity, to avoid the censures of episcopal
consistories, removed themselves beyond the seas,
chiefly to Holland, where some had plentiful, all
comfortable subsistence, whence they returned home
at the beginning of this parliament. These after-
wards proved dissenting brethren to some transac-
tions in the assembly, as Thomas Goodwin, Sidrach
Symson, Philip Nye, &c.
Fourthly, Some members of the house of lords
and commons were mingled amongst them, and
voted jointly in their consultations, as the earl of
Pembroke, the lord Say. The most learned anti-
quary, Mr. John Selden, Mr. Francis Rouse, Mr.
Bulstrode Whitelock, &c.
Thus was this assembly (as first chosen and in-
tended) a quintessence of four parties. Some con-
ceived so motley a meeting promised no good results,
whilst others grounded their hopes on what was the
motive of the former to despair — the miscellaneous
nature of the assembly. For what speedier way to
make peace in a distracted church than to take in
all interests to consult together. It had been little
better than a spiritual monopoly only to employ
those of one party, whilst if all men's arguments,
objections, complaints, desires, be indifferently ad-
mitted, an expedient may be the sooner found out
for their just and general satisfaction.
sermon.
250 The Church History book xi .
A.D. 1643. 8. So much for the English party of this assembly :
-for know, that commissioners from Scotland were
oommis- joined with them ; some of the nobility, as the earl
jd^Tinthe°f Lothian, the lord Lauderdale, the lord Warriston.
M8emb,3r- Others of the clergy, as Mr. Alexander Henderson,
Mr. Gillespie, &c. So that as Livy calleth the ge-
neral meeting of iEtolia Pan-iEtolium, this assembly
endeavoured to put on the face of Pan-Britannicum,
that the walls of the palace wherein they met might
in some sort be like the waves of the sea, within
the compass whereof they lived, as surrounding one
island and two nations.
Dr. Twi« 4. Dr. Twiss preached the first sermon at the
cutor hit meeting of the assembly, though the schools, not the
pulpit, was his proper element, (witness his contro-
versial writings ;) and in his sermon he exhorted
them faithfully to discharge their high calling to the
glory of God and the honour of his church c. He
much bemoaned that one thing was wanting, namely,
the royal assent to give comfort and encouragement
to them. Yet he hoped that by the efficacy of their
fervent prayers it might in due time be obtained,
and that a happy union might be procured betwixt
him and the parliament. Sermon ended, the ordi-
nance was read, by which was declared the cause,
ground and intent of their convention, namely, to
consult with the parliament for the settling of reli-
gion and church government. Then the list of their
names was called over who were appointed to be
present there, and a mark (but no penalty) set on
such who appeared not at the time prefixed.
* [See a somewhat tempe- " this latter age," p. 13, ed.
rate account of him in Clark's 1683. Wood's Athen. ii. 80.]
" Lives of Eminent Persons of
cent. xvii. of Britain. 851
5. The appearance of the persons elected answer- a. d. 1643.
ed not expectation, seeing of an hundred and twenty^ 1
but sixty-nine were present, and those in coats and u^^EmB
cloaks, of several forms and fashions, so that Dr. oftheirnon"
appearance.
Westfield and some few others seemed the only
nonconformists amongst them, for their conformity
whose gowns and canonical habits differed from all
the rest. For of the first sort of royalists, episcopal
in their judgments, very few appeared, and scarce
any continued any time in the house, (save Dr.
Daniel Featley, of whom hereafter,) alleging pri-
vately several reasons for their absence or departure.
i. First, they had no call from the king ; (having
read how anciently the breath of Christian emperors
gave the first being to counsels;) yea, some on my
knowledge had from his majesty a flat command to
the contrary f.
ii. They were not chosen by the clergy, and so
could not appear as representatives, but in their per-
sonal capacities.
iii. This meeting seemed set up to pluck down
the convocation, (now neither sitting nor legally
dissolved,) which solemnly was summoned for eccle-
siastical affairs.
iv. If appearing there they should be beheld by
the rest (what Joseph charged on his brethren) as
spies come thither to see the nakedness of the
assembly.
v. Being few, they should easily be out-voted by
the opposite party, and so only worn as countenances
to credit their proceedings.
f [The king published a ge- Church, Oxford. See it in
neral protestation against this Rush worth, iii. p. 346. Col-
assembly, dated from Christ lier's £. H. ii. 826.]
262
The Church History
BOOK XI.
t'chliM? However, I have heard many of both parties
desire that those defenders of the hierarchy had
afforded their presence, as hoping that their learning
and abilities, their temper and moderation, might
have conduced much to mitigate some violence and
extremity in their proceedings. But God in his ail-
ordering providence saw it unfitting, and whether
or no any good had been effected by them, if present,
(seeing as yet no law to alter men's conjectures,) is
left to the liberty of every man's opinion &.
g [Of the formation of this
assembly, the author of Perse-
cute Undecima speaks thus, in
language more true and just
than ceremonious : " That this
" faction in parliament may
" blind the eyes of the world,
" (indeed to strengthen and
" support themselves till they
" should become absolute mas-
" ters of England,) when they
" had been long tampering
" with religion, at last they
" found (policy necessitating
" them) some need of using
" clergymen ; yet in such a
" monstrous way, as the Chris-
" tian world never heard the
" like ; by a new thing called
" an assembly of divines, not
" summoned by the king's writ
*' and authority, (expressly a-
" gainst the statute of Henry
" I.) ; not chosen by the cler-
" gy ; hut plucked out of each
" member's pocket; — juggled
" into a conventicle synod on
" purpose, — to help out with
" some new religion, as their
masters (which hired them
with 4*. per diem) shall ap-
point. Yet lest these di-
vines, (such as they be,) New
u
a
•<
it
" Englanders, Amsterdamians,
" pedants, and trencher-chap-
" lain 8, (to whom were some ten
" learned clergymen's names
" joined as seals, who never
" came there in person,) should
" take any authority to them-
" selves, the faction in parlia-
" ment have jostled in 30 of
" their lay-members (another
" vote can make them 30 more)
" as members of this linsey-
" wolsey synod, to make up a
" side. But to make all sure,
" their parliament masters have
" ordered that this assembly
" (yoked like an ox and an
" ass to till the Holy Land)
" must meddle only with what
" shall be propounded to them
from the houses of parlia-
ment ; and when all is done,
" their conclusions shall not
" bind till the parliament give
" leave and consent ; and, saith
" the ordinance (not law)
" whereby this learned synod
" is created and bridled, these
" divines must tell them what
is most agreable to God's
" word, and when the parlia-
" ment is thus certified what
" God's law is, the house of
it
it
tt
cent. xvii. of Britain. 258
6. Soon after, the assembly was completely con- a. d. 1643.
stituted with all the essentials thereunto, Dr. Twiss, — —
prolocutor, Mr. Roborough and Adoniram Byfieldhiyooniti."
their scribes and notaries ; and now their good sue- tllted'
cess (next to the parliament's) was publicly prayed
for by the preachers in the city, and books dedicated
unto them under the title of the most Sacred As-
sembly11, which, because they did not disavow, by
others they were interpreted to approve ; four shil-
lings a day salary was allowed them, much too little
as some thought for men of their merit, others
grumbling at it as too much for what by them was
performed. And now what place more proper for
the building of Sion (as they propounded it) than
the chamber of Jerusalem, (the fairest in the dean's
lodgings, where king Henry the Fourth died, and)
where these divines did daily meet together.
7. Be it here remembered, that some (besides t^ »»Per-
added di-
those episcopally affected) chosen to be at this vine.,
assembly notwithstanding absented themselves, pre-
tending age, indisposition, &c, as it is easy for able
unwillingness to find out excuses and make them
probable. Fit it was therefore so many evacuities
should be filled up, to mount the meeting to a com-
petent number; and assemblies, as well as armies,
when grown thin must be recruited. Hence it was
that at several times the lords and commons added
more members unto them, by the name of the super-
added divines. Some of these, though equal to the
former in power, were conceived to fall short in
" commons will vote whether " tion usurped." p. 40.]
" it shall be obeyed or no. b Mr. Saltmarsh's book a-
" Such an omnipotence over gainst Tho. Fuller's [Sermon
" God's law, over the church on the Reformation.]
M and the king, hath this fac-
854 The Church History boo* xr.
a. d. 1643. parts, as chosen rather by the affections of others
I? LI than for their own abilities, the original members
of the assembly not overpleased thereat, such addi-
tion making the former rather more, than more
considerable.
bJ^fiST' 8. One of the first public acts which I find by
petition for them performed, was the humble presenting of a
petition to both houses for the appointing of a
solemn fast to be generally observed. And no won-
der if their request met with fair acceptance and
full performance, seeing the assembly's petition was
the parliament's intention, and this solemn suit of
the divines did not create new, but quicken the old
resolutions in both houses; presently a fast is ap-
pointed, and accordingly kept on the following Fri-
day, Mr. Bowles and Mr. Newcomen (whose sermons
are since printed) preaching on the same, and all
the rest of the particulars promised to be taken into
speedy consideration.
n^ft enter- $' '* was now projected to fad out some band
eth Eng- 0r tie for the straiter union of the English and
Scottish amongst themselves, and both to the par-
liament ; in order whereunto the covenant was now
presented. This covenant was of Scottish extrac-
tion, born beyond Tweed, but now brought to be
bred on the south side thereof.
Jan* fim *®. The house of commons in parliament and the
taken- assembly of divines solemnly took the covenant at
St. Margaret's in Westminster.
^^nd" 11. It was ordered by the commons in parlia-
printed. ment that this covenant be forthwith printed and
published.
TaiU«wn 12. Divers lords, knights, gentlemen, colonels,
officers, soldiers and others, then residing in the city
cent. xvii. (f Britain. 265
of London, met at St. Margaret's in Westpiinster, a. p. 1643.
and there took the said covenant : Mr. Coleman — -
preaching a sermon before them concerning the piety
and legality thereof.
13. It was commanded by the authority of both Enjmnedaii
houses, that the said covenant, on the sabbath day
ensuing, should be taken in all churches and chapels
of London within the lines of communication, and
throughout the kingdom, in convenient time ap-
pointed thereunto, according to the tenor following.
A solemn league and covenant, for reformation and
defence of religion, the honour and happiness of the
king, and the peace and safety of the three king-
doms, of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
" We noblemen, barons, knights, gentlemen, citizens,
burgesses, ministers of the gospel, and commons of all sorts,
in the kingdom of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by the
providence of God living under one king, and being of one
reformed religion ; having before our eyes the glory of God,
and the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour and happiness of the
king's majesty and his posterity, and the true public liberty,
safety and peace of the kingdom, wherein every one's private
condition is included ; and calling to mind the treacherous
and bloody plots, conspiracies, attempts and practices of the
enemies of God against the true religion, and the professors
thereof in all places, especially in these three kingdoms, ever
since the reformation of religion, and how much their rage,
power, and presumption are of late, and at this time in-
creased and exercised, whereof the deplorable estate of the
church and kingdom of Ireland, the distressed estate of the
church and kingdom of England, the dangerous estate of
the church and kingdom of Scotland, are present and public
testimonies: We have now at last, (after other means of
supplications, remonstrances, protestations, and sufferings),
256 The Church History book xk
A. D. 1643. for the preservation of ourselves and our religion from utter
19 ruin and destruction according to the commendable prac-
tice of these kingdoms in former times, and the example
of God's people in other nations, after mature deliberation,
resolved and determined to enter into a mutual Solemn
League and Covenant, wherein we all subscribe, and each one
of us for himself, with our hands lifted up to the most high
God do swear,
*' That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, through
the grace of God, endeavour in our several places and
callings the preservation of the reformed religion in
the church of Scotland in doctrine, worship, discipline,
and government, against our common enemies; the
reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England
and Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline and go-
vernment, according to the word of God, and the
example of the best reformed churches; and shall
endeavour to bring the churches of God in the three
kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity
in religion, confession of faith, form of church-go-
vernment, directory for worship and catechizing;
that we and our posterity after us may as brethren
live in faith and love, and the Lord may delight to
dwell in the midst of us.
" That we shall in like manner, without respect of per-
sons, endeavour the extirpation of popery, prelacy,
(that is, church-government by archbishops, bishops,
their chancellors and commissaries, deans, deans and
chapters, archdeacons, and all other ecclesiastical offi-
cers depending on that hierarchy,) superstition, he-
resy, schism, profaneness, and whatsoever shall be
found to be contrary to sound doctrine and the power
of godliness ; lest we partake in other men's sins, and
thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, and
that the Lord may be one, and his name one in the
three kingdoms.
" We shall, with the same sincerity, reality, and con-
stancy in our several vocations, endeavour with our
dENT. xvn. ofBrtiabi. S57
estates and lives mutually to preserve the rights and A. D. 1643.
privileges of the parliaments, and the due liberties of f9 cha,<1*
the kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the king's
majesty9 his person and authority, in the preservation
and defence of the true religion and liberties of the
kingdoms, that the world may bear witness with our
consciences of our loyalty, and that we have no
thoughts or intentions to diminish his majesty's just
power and greatness.
" We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the dis-
covery of all such as have been or shall be incen-
diaries, malignants, or evil instruments, by hindering
the reformation of religion, dividing the king from his
people, or one of the kingdoms from another, or
making any faction or parties amongst the people
contrary to this league and covenant, that they may
be brought to public trial and receive condign pu-
nishment, as the degree of their offences shall require
or deserve, or the supreme judicatories of both king-
doms respectively, or others having power from them
for that effect, shall judge convenient.
u And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between
these kingdoms, denied in former times to our pro-
genitors, is by the good providence of God granted
unto us, and hath been lately concluded and settled
by both parliaments, we shall each one of us, accord-
ing to our plnce and interest, endeavour that they
remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all
posterity, and that justice may be done upon the
wilful opposers thereof in manner expressed in the
precedent article.
" We shall also, according to our places and callings,
in this common cause of religion, liberty, and peace
of the kingdoms, assist and defend all those that
enter into this league and covenant, in the maintain-
ing and pursuing thereof, and shall not suffer ourselves
directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combination,
persuasion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn
FULLER, VOL. VI. S
258 The Church Hisiwy book xi
A.D. 1645. ^rom ^^ blessed conjunction and union, whether to
i9Chas.l. make defection to the contrary part, or to give our-
selves to a detestable indiflerency or neutrality in
this cause, which so much concerneth the glory of
God, the good of the kingdoms, and honour of the
king, but shall all the days of our lives zealously and
constantly endeavour to continue therein against all
opposition, and promote the same according to our
power against all lets and impediments whatsoever;
and what we are not able of ourselves to suppress or
overcome, we shall reveal and make known, that it
may be timely prevented or removed. All which we
shall do as in the sight of God.
" And because these kingdoms are guilty of many sins
and provocations against God and his Son Jesus
Christ, as is too manifest by our present distresses
and dangers, the fruits thereof; we profess and
declare before God and the world, our unfeigned
desire to be humbled for our own sins, and for the
sins of these kingdoms, especially that we have not as
we ought valued the inestimable benefit of the gospel,
that we have not laboured for the purity and power
thereof, and that we have not endeavoured to receive
Christ in our hearts, nor to walk worthy of him in our
lives, which are the causes of other sins and trans-
gressions so much abounding amongst us, and our true
•and unfeigned purpose, desire and endeavour for our-
selves, and all others under our charge, both in public
and in private, in all duties we owe to God and man,
to amend our lives, and each one to go before an-
other in the example of a real reformation, that the
Lord may turn away his wrath and heavy indignation,
and establish these churches and kingdoms in truth
and peace. And this covenant we make in the pre-
sence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts,
with a true intention to perform the same, as we shall
answer at the great day, when the secrets of all hearts
shall be disclosed, most humbly beseeching the Lord
CENT. XVII.
qf Britain.
259
to strengthen us by his Holy Spirit to this end, and AD- l6-M.
1.1 j • i j- • l i- i9ChM.I.
to bless our desires and proceedings with such success,
as may be deliverance and safety to his people, and
encouragement to other Christian churches groan-
ing under, or in danger of the yoke of antichristian
tyranny, to join in the same or like association and
covenant, to the glory of God, the enlargement of
the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the peace and
tranquillity of Christian kingdoms and common-
wealths?.
We listen not to their fancy, who have reckoned the
words in the covenant six hundred sixty-si<v\ preface
and conclusion, as only circumstantial appendants,
not accounted, and esteem him who trieth it as well
at leisure (alias as idle) as he that first made the
observation. Much less applaud we their parallel,
who (the number in branches agreeing) compare it to
the superstitious and cruel Six Articles enacted by
king Henry the Eighth. But let us consider the
solid and serious exceptions alleged against it, not
so light and slight as to be puffed away with the
breath of the present age, but whose weight is likely
to sink them down to the consideration of posterity.
g [To this bishop Hacket al-
ludes in the following passage:
" To make us swear ourselves
" for ever unto prophanencss,
" sin, and baseness, the solemn
" league and covenant passed
" by the votes of both houses,
" and by the great approve-
" ment of their journeymen
" the assembly ; and this flag
n of six colours was hung up
" in all the houses of God in
'• the land : where the two
"tables of the law were put
" before, to hold out our duty
" to God and love to our neigh*
" hour, a new piece of Chris-
" tianity is clapt upon the wall,
" to renounce the king and
•' ruin the church. — Oh, very
" wise parliament ! Can you
" teach one how to piece li-
" berty and this covenant to-
" gether ? for all that refuse it
" must be sequestered, impri-
" soned, disofficed, the clergy
" that will not submit lose
" their benefices, and the law
" cannot keep them in their
" freehold." Life of Williams,
II. 200.]
h Rev. xiii. 19.
s2
260 The Church History book si.
^Jw\3' 14u First, seeing this covenant (though not as
- first penned ) as prosecuted had heavy penalties
general to inflicted on the refusers thereof, such pressing is
w inconsistent with the nature of any contract, wherein
consent, not constraint is presumed. In a covenant
men should go of their own good will, or be led by
persuasions, not drawn by frights and fears, much
less driven by forfeits and punishments.
M«de with- 15. Secondly, subjects are so far from having the
king's con- express or tacit consent of the king for the taking
"ent" thereof, that by public proclamation he hath for-
bidden the same. Now, seeing parents had power
by the law l of God to rescind such vows which their
children made without their privity, by the equity of
the same law this covenant is void, if contrary to
the flat command of him who is Parens patrue.
Full of 16. Many words occur in this covenant, some
doubtful
words. obscure, others of doubtful meaning, viz. common
enemies, best reformed churches, malignants, highest
judicatories of both kingdoms, &c. Until therefore
the obscure be cleared, the doubtful stated and fixed,
the same cannot (as it ought) be taken in judgment.
Exceptions to the preface.
Therein it is suggested, that supplications, remon-
strance, protestations to the king, were formerly
used ; which proving ineffectual, occasioned the try-
ing of this covenant, as the last hopeful means to
preserve religion from ruin, &c. Now, seeing many
joined neither with their hands nor hearts in pre-
senting these writings, such persons scrupled this
covenant, which they cannot take in truth, because
founded on the failing of the aforesaid means, to
4 Numb. xxx. 6.
cent. xvii. of Britain. £61
the using whereof they concurred not in the last AD- 164>
degree.
17. It is pretended in the preface, that this cove- P«««>ded
ancient, yet
nant is " according to the commendable practice of unprece-
" these kingdoms in former times." Whereas, in-
deed it is new in itself, following no former pre-
cedents; a grand divine k of the parliament party
publicly professing, that " we read not, either in
" divine or human histories, the like oath extant in
" any age, as to the matter, persons, and other
u circumstances thereof."
Exceptions to the first article.
18. They are unsatisfied to swear to maintain the Cannot be
taken
preservation of the reformed religion of Scotland in knowingly,
doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, as
being ignorant (such their distance thence, and small
intelligence there) of the particulars thereof. They
are loath therefore to make a blind promise, for fear
of a lame performance.
19. As for the reforming of religion (which neces- Nor with-
sarily implies a changing thereof) of England and scandal
Ireland in doctrine, worship, discipline, and govern-
ment, they cannot consent thereunto without mani-
fest scandal, both to papists and separatists. For
(besides, that they shall desert that just cause, which
many pious martyrs, bishops, and divines of our
church have defended both with their ink and blood,
writings and sufferings) hereby they shall advantage
the cavils of papists against our religion, taxing it of
uncertainty, not knowing where to fix our feet, as
always altering the same. Yea, they shall not only
supply papists with pleas for their recusancy, sec-
k Phil. Nye Covenant with Narrat. p. 1 2.
s 3
£6£ The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1643. taries for their separation, acknowledging something
]1 \ in our church doctrine and service not well agreeing
with God's word ; but also shall implicitly confess
papists unjustly punished by the penal statutes, for
not conforming with us to the same public sendee,
wherein some things are by ourselves, as well as
them, misliked and disallowed,
injury to go. Nor can they take this covenant without
themselves.
injury and perjury to themselves. Injury, by en-
snaring their consciences, credits and estates, if
endeavouring to reform religion (under the notion of
faulty and vicious) to which formerly they had sub-
scribed, enjoined thereto by the law1 of the land, not
yet abrogated, never as yet checked by the regrets of
their own consciences, nor confuted by the reasons
of others for the doing thereof.
Perjury to 21. Perjury, as contrary to the protestation and
their soul*. 1 »
solemn vow they had lately m taken, and oath of
supremacy, swearing therein to defend all the king's
rights and privileges, whereof his spiritual juris-
diction in reforming church matters is a principal.
Now, although a latter oath may be corroborative
of the former, or constructive of a new obligation
consistent therewith, yet can it not be inductive of a
tie, contrary to an oath lawfully taken before.
Exceptions to the second article.
in, but 22. It grieveth them therein to see prelacy so
p*ge of pre- unequally yoked : popery being put before it; super-
iacy* stition, heresy, schism, and profaneness following
after. Such the pleasure of those that placed them,
though nothing akin in themselves. But a captive,
1 13 Eliz. cap. 12. m May the 5th, 1641.
cent. xvii. qf Britain. 268
by the power of others, may be fettered to those a.d. 1643
whom he hates and abhors. I9Chl*
Consent they cannot to the extirpation of prelacy, f«» ««-
• 1 • ,» aonsagains
neither in respect of extirpation
i. The thing itself; being persuaded, that neither" v™**7'
papal monarchy, nor presbyterian democracy, nor
independent anarchy are so conformable to the scrip-
tures as episcopal aristocracy, being (if not of divine
in a strict sense) of apostolical institution, confirmed
with church practice (the best comment on scrip-
ture when obscure for 1500 years), and bottomed on
the same foundation with infants-baptism, national
churches, observing the Lord's day, and the like.
ii. Themselves; of whom, l,all when taking degrees
in the university ; 2, most, as many as are entered
into holy orders; 8, not a few, when lately peti-
tioning the parliament for the continuing of episco-
pacy; and, 4, some, being members of cathedral
and collegiate churches, have subscribed with their
hands, and with their corporal oaths avowed the
justification and defence of that government.
Hi. Church of England; fearing many mischiefs
from this alteration, (felt sooner than seen in all
great and sudden changes,) especially because the
ecclesiastical government is so interwoven in many
statutes of the land. And, if schisms so increase on
the suspension, what is to be expected on the extir-
pation of episcopacy.
iv. His majesty; as contrary to their oath of
supremacy, wherein they were bound to maintain his
privileges; amongst which a principal is, that " he is
" supreme moderator over all causes and persons
u spiritual," wherein no change is to be attempted
without his consent; and also his dignity, the collations
s 4
204 The Church History book si.
a.ik 1643. 0f bishoprics and deaneries, with their profits in their
vacancies belonging unto him, and the first fruits
and tenths of ecclesiastical dignities, a considerable
part of the royal revenue.
Here we omit their plea, whose chief means con-
sisting of cathedral preferment, allege the like not
done from the beginning of the world, that men
(though deserving deprivation for their offences)
should be forced to swear sincerely, seriously, and
from their souls, to endeavour the rooting out of
that whence their best livelihood doth depend.
Exceptions against the third article.
23. It grieveth them herein to be 6worn to the
* preservation of the privileges of parliament, and
liberties of the kingdom,9 at large and without any
restriction, being bound in the following words to
defend the ' king's person and authority,' as limited
'in the preservation and defence of true religion,
and the liberties of the realm ;' enlarging the former,
that the latter may be the more confined.
24. They are jealous what should be the cause of
the inversion of the method, seeing in the ' solemn
vow and protestation,' the * defence of the king's
person and authority' is put first, which in this cove-
nant is postposed to the * privileges of parliament.'
However, seeing the protestation was first taken, the
covenant as the * younger' cannot disinherit the
* elder' of the possession which it hath quietly taken
in men's consciences.
Exceptions to the fourth article.
25. They are unsatisfied whether the same im-
poseth not a uecessity for children to prosecute their
cent. xvii. tf Britain. £65
parents even to death, under the notion of 'ma- a. D.1643.
Jignants,' against all rules of religion and humanity. — ^LL
For even in case of idolatry, children under the old
law n were not bound publicly to accuse their parents,
so as to bring them to be stoned for the same;
though such unnatural cruelty be foretold by our
Saviour0, to fall out under the gospel, of those that
shall rise tip against their parents, and cause them to
be put to death.
Exceptions to the fifth article.
26. They understand not what is meant therein by
the 'happiness of a blessed peace betwixt these
kingdoms,' whereof Ireland must needs be one,
whilst the same is rent with a woeful war, and the
other two lands distracted with homebred discords ;
whereof no settlement can be hoped, until first all
interests be equally stated, and the * king's authority,'
1 privileges of parliament,' and ' liberties of subjects'
justly bounded and carefully preserved.
Exceptions to the sixth article.
27. They are unsatisfied therein as wholly hypo-
thetical, supposing what as yet is not cleared by
solid arguments, viz. that this is ' the common cause
of religion, liberty, and peace of the realms,' &c.
And if the same be granted, it appeareth not to
their conscience, that the means used to promote
this cause are so lawful and free from just objections
which may be raised from the laws of God and man.
Exceptions to the conclusion.
28. They quake at the mention, that the taking of
n Deut. xiii. 6. ° Matth. x. 21.
266
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d.i 64V this covenant should 'encourage other churches
— - groaning under the yoke of antichristian tyranny,' to
join in the same, fearing the dangerous consequences
this may produce to foreign protestants, and enrage
popish princes (in whose dominions they live) to
cruelty against them, as disaffected to their govern-
ment. Besides, when Divine Providence layeth such
burthens on his servants, even 'the yoke of anti-
christ' is then ' the yoke of Christ,* not to be thrown
off with force, but to be borne with the confession of
the truth, prayers, patience, and Christian courage.
29. So much concerning the covenant, which some
three months after began to be rigorously and generally
urged p. Nor have I ought else to observe thereof,
P [Not the least inducement
which urged the parliamentary
party and their puritan fa-
vourites to press the covenant
so rigorously was their belief
that it would be generally re-
fused by the clergy, and thus
afford a handle for turning
them out of their livings. One
of their main engines for ad-
vancing the work of reforma-
tion, as it was called, was to
plant lecturers in the city
churches, a work not of mere
policy, but thrift, and a saving
method of providing for needy
puritan ministers. The most
violent of that party had now
crowded up to London, those
who had been silenced by arch,
bishop Laud or had retired
into the provinces had return-
ed, and claimed a reward for
their sufferings and their ser-
vices. Stripped of all defence,
deserted by the nobility, who
prostituted their honour to the
smiles of the popular puri-
tans, the clergy were a ready
and easy prey. " To which
" purpose," (to use the words
of the author quoted before,)
" they at first invented these
" tricks and formalities of jus.
" tice against the clergy, till
" having got the power, their
" sword should make good
" the sequestering and removal
" of those (especially in Lon-
" don) who were not like to
" apostatize from religion and
" loyalty. — This made the fac-
" tion in the house of com-
" mons never transmit any bills
" against any particular accused
" clergymen to the house of
" peers (where indeed lay ju-
" diciary power) to a legal
" hearing ; but knowing well
" such foggy charges would
" soon vanish at the face of
" justice, these evil spirits kept
" on their course of casting
" mists before the people's
cekt. xvii. qf Britain. 267
«ave to add in mine own defence, that I never sawAD-1^.
i9Cha». I.
the same, except at distance as hung up in churches,
nor ever had any occasion to read, or hear it read,
till this day * in writing my history, whatever hath
been reported and printed to the contrary of my
taking thereof in London, who went away from the
Savoy to the king's quarters long before any mention
thereof in England.
30. True it is, there was an oath which never The au-
exceeded the * line of communication,' meeting with in°hu own
so much opposition, that it expired in the infancy!^®"
thereof, about the time when the plot was dis-
covered for which Mr. Tomkins and Mr. Chaloner
suffered. This was tendered to me, and taken by me
in the vestry of the Savoy church, but first protest-
ing some limitations thereof to myself. This not
satisfying was complained of, by some persons pre-
sent, to the parliament, where it was ordered that
the next Lord's day I should take the same oath in
terminis terminantibus in the face of the church,
which not agreeing with my conscience, I withdrew
myself into the king's parts, which (I hope) I may
no less safely than I do freely confess, because
punished for the same with the loss of my live-
lihood, and since (I suppose) pardoned in the act
of oblivion.
81. Now began the great and general purgation The par-
of the clergy in the parliament's quarters, many purge to
being outed for their misdemeanours by the com- e rgy*
mittee appointed for that purpose. Some of their
<«
eyes, to make them think " quite put them out." Pers.
that the lights of the church Undec. p 43.]
" burned so dim, that it was Q July 1, 1654.
" necessary to snuff them or
968
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1643- offences were so foul, it is a shame to report them,
— crying to justice for punishment. Indeed, Constan-
tine the Christian emperor was wont to say, " If
" I see a clergyman offending I will cover him with
" my cloak," but surely he meant such offences as
are frailties and infirmities, no scandalous enormities.
Such unsavoury salt is good for nothing, no, not for
the dunghill r, because as the savour is lost which
makes it useful, so the fretting is left which makes
it useless, whereby it is so far from being good com-
post to fatten ground, that it doth rather embarren
it. Let Baal therefore plead for itself, nothing can
be said in their excuse, if (what was the main
matter) their crimes were sufficiently proved.
The «pei- 82. But as to the point, hear what the royalists
plea/1878 at Oxford say for their friends, whilst they conceive
themselves to take just exceptions at the proceed-
ings against these ministers R.
r Luke xiv. 35.
8 [Dr. Heylin is rather indig-
nant at this passage of our au.
thor, and not better satisfied with
the salvo of the concluding ob-
servations. See his epistle " To
" the Poor Remainders of the
" Old Regular and Conform -
" able Clergy, &c." Perhaps
some few of the clergy may have
been guilty of the irregularities
here imputed to them; still
with every concession, the
proceedings of these commis-
sioners were most dishonest,
cruel, and tyrannical. What
further proof can be required
of their injustice than the fact
of their depriving, "as igno-
" rant and scandalous minis-
" ten," such men as Hales,
Walton, the editor of the
Polyglott, and Pocock, the
orientalist? The fate of these
and many others is a sufficient
proof, to use the words of
a very candid writer, " that
" the bare expulsion of men
" from ecclesiastical benefices
" by this committee implied
" neither moral delinquency
" nor a want of ministerial qua-
" lifications." Jackson's Life of
Goodwin, p. 83. Opposition
to Calvinism and an attachment
to episcopacy were in the judg-
ment of this committee as hei-
nous as infidelity and immo-
rality ; and though not the
only motives, (for covetousness
was the strongest,) was often a
prevailing one in the expulsion
of the clergy.]
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
269
i. Some of their faults were so foul, that the a. d. 1643.
foulness1 of them is all that can be pleaded for —
them. For being capital, the persons deserved to
be outed of life, not of living, which leaves a
suspicion of imperfect proof.
ii. The witnesses against them were seldom de-
posed on oath, but their bare complaints believed.
iii. Many of the complainers were factious people,
(those most accusing their sermons who least heard
them,) and who since have deserted the church
as hating the profession of the ministry.
iv. Many were charged with delivering false doc-
trine, whose positions were sound, at the least, dis-
putable. Such, those accused for preaching that
baptism washeth away original sin, which the most
learned and honest in the Assembly in some sense
will not deny, namely, that in the children of God it
cleanse tb the condemning and final, peccable, com-
manding, power of original sin, though the stain and
blemish thereof doth still remain.
v. Some were merely outed for their affections to
the king's cause, and what was malignity at London
was loyalty at Oxford u.
t Cent. p. 1.
* [Various were the means
•t this time used by the parlia-
ment to bring the clergy into
contempt; the strongest militia,
as they were truly called, of the
king ; and therefore the great-
est obstacle to the designs
both of the parliament and the
Presbyterians. The author of
" Persecutio Undecima," an
eyewitness and a sufferer, has
well stated the various wicked
endeavours made by the popu-
lar faction to render the clergy
odious; the passage would be
too long to quote entire, but
the remarks that follow may
suffice as a key to the rest;
and furnish an admirable com-
ment upon Fuller's more cau-
tious narrative.
" A fourth way," he says,
" to make the clergy odious to
" the people was their abetting
" all outrages and affronts done
" to the persons and functions
" of the clergy, insomuch that
270
The Church Hhtory
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1643. Yea, many moderate men of the opposite party
i? — ^-1 much bemoaned such severity, that some clergymen,
<<
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upon their sending for Burton,
and Prynne, and Bast wick,
(three champions or Puritan
boute-feus,) and the auda-
cious riots and tumults at-
tending their return to Lon-
don without control, the fac-
tion took such encourage-
ment (having found their
strength in the house of com-
mons) in their contempt of
the priest, that a divine in
his habit could not walk the
streets of London without
being reproached in every
corner by name of Baal's
priest, popish priest, Caesar's
friend, and the like scoffings;
nor durst parishioners shew
their wonted love toward
their spiritual father, nay,
scarce durst they come to
hear him preach without ha-
zard of being accounted a
malignant, if he were so con-
scientious as not to change
his religion, (as these secta-
ries would have them). And
now New England so vomited
up her factious spirits, that
merchants in England began
to complain that all commo-
dities in England were fallen
to half their former price;
and each dam and sink of
religion pumped into our
wholesome streams those who
(as witches do their baptism)
had renounced their former
sacred calling to the priest-
hood, yet now returned the
only admired churchmen, and
were, by orders of the house
of com mons, either forced into
other men's churches as lec-
tt
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tt
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it
tt
turers, or thrust into seques-
tered parsonages, (their fel-
low subjects' freehold,) which
before themselves had cried
down for Antichristian.
" 5. A fair introduction to
the reproachful usage of the
clergy at committees in the
face of their own parishio-
ners; for having found the
forwardness of the people (by
their first foisted order afore-
said) to serve them in their
designs, the faction in the
house of commons procured
a large committee for reli-
gion, (as they called it,) the
Puritans* main engine against
the church, dividing it into
many sub-committees ; as
Mr. White's committee, Mr.
Corbet's committee, sir Ro-
bert Haalow's committee, sir
Edward Deering's committee,
and divers others, upon pre-
tence of hearing the mul-
titudes of petitions daily
brought in against scandalous
ministers, (as the term was,)
which committees were made
as several stages for continual
clergy- baitings. Mine ears
still tingle at the loud cla-
mours and shoutings there
made (especially at the com-
mittee which sat at the court
of wards) in derision of grave
and reverend divines, by that
rabble of sectaries which
daily flocked thither to see
this new pastime, where the
committee members, out of
their vast privilege to abuse
any man (though their bet-
ters ; some members of con-
CENT. XVU.
of Britain.
S71
blameless for life and orthodox for doctrine, were a. d. 1643.
19 Chat. I.
only ejected on the account of their faithfulness to
the king's cause. And as much corruption was let
out by this ejection, (many scandalous ministers
deservedly punished,) so at the same time the veins
of the English church were also emptied of much
good blood, (some inoffensive pastors,) which hath
made her body hydropical ever since ; ill humours
succeeding in the room, by reason of too large and
sudden evacuation. But others of a more violent
temper excused all, the present necessity of the
cause requiring it. All pulpits in the parliament
««
«<
*( vocation, whose privileges
are, and by law ought to be,
as large as those of the house
" of commons,) without con-
" trol, have been pleased to
*' call the members of Christ
" brought before them, (by
" gaolers and pursuivants, and
M placed like heinous malefac-
" tors, without their bar, bare-
" headed forsooth !) saucy
"jacks, base fellows f brazen-
4t x faced fellows ; and in great
" scorn hath the cap of a known
" orthodox doctor, (Dr. Halsy,)
" been called to be pulled off
" to see if he were not a shaven
" popish priest ; and upon a
" person's evidence for one of
" his parishioners, that he was
" no Papist, (which evidence
" in such cases is and ought to
•• be authentical,) it was re-
•* plied by a committee, • Have
" you no witness but a base
priest ?% And to some emi-
nent doctors in divinity of
the City of London, viz. Dr.
" Baker, Dr. Borough, Dr.
" Walton, giving testimony in
<«
tt
<«
tt
tt
t<
tt
tt
«<
tt
tt
tt
ft
tt
tt
«
it
tt
tt
tt
ft
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
a cause then before them, it
was said by a citizen member
of that committee, Isaac Pen.
nington, ' What shall me be-
lieve these doctors for?' And
sir Robert Horton, going to
his committee chair, (the
chair of the scorner,) bragged
to his friend how he would
bait the dean of Christ-
Church ( Dr. Fell) . And after
such like usage, with charge-
able and long attendance, de
die in diem, on these commit-
tees, as many clergymen as
were brought to the stake to
be bated (right or wrong)
were sure to be ousted of
their livings, else their good
and godly people were not
pleased ; that the souls of
many honest and faithful
ministers of Christ were so
tilled with the scorn of the
period, who thus had them
in derision, that they died
for very grief, as did Dr.
Halsy, and Dr. Clarke, and
diver 8 others." p. 22.]
272 The Church History book xt.
a.d. 1643. quarters must be made like the whole earth before
i9cha».i. tjje building of Babel, of one language, and of one
speech, or else all may be destroyed by the mixture
of other doctrines; and better a mischief to few
than an inconvenience to all. Safer that some
(suppose unjustly) suffer, than that the success of
the whole cause should be endangered.
The first 33. Then came forth a book called the First
Century-
why with- Century*, containing the names of an hundred di-
arad."6" vines, sequestered for their faults, with a promise of
a second, which to my knowledge never came forth.
Whether because the author of the former was sen-
sible that the subject was generally odious, or be-
cause the death of Mr. White?, licenser thereof, pre-
vented any addition, or whether, because dissuaded
from the design, suspecting a retaliation from Ox-
ford. Sure I have been informed, that when some
solicited his majesty for leave to set forth a book of
the vicious lives of some parliament ministers, his
* [•* The First Century of thor of this pamphlet was of
" Scandalous Malignant Priests, so infamous a character ; the
" made and admitted into be* charges which he shifted so
"nefices by the prelates in false and frequently male-
" whose hands the ordination volent, that it did the clergy
u of ministers and government little harm. So much were
" of the Church hath been, their opponents chagrined with
" &c." Lond. 1643.] the reception of this Century,
y [He died the following that they hazarded not the pro-
year, in a state of distraction, duction of a second. See a
according to the author of further account of this pam-
Persecutio Undecima, p. 18. phlet in Walker's " Sufferings
" Crying out how many cler- " of the Clergy," i. p. 47 ; and
" gym en, their wives and chil- of White himself in Wood's
" dren, he had undone." The Athen. ii. p. 70. The author
Puritans, in these proceedings of Persecutio Undecima has
against the regular and con- sufficiently exposed the false-
formable clergy, acted upon the hood, calumny, and immorality
maxim, — audacter calumniare of White and his pamphlet.
hcerebit aliquid; but the au- See p. 26, sq.]
csmt. xvii. of Britain. 273
majesty blasted the design, partly because recrimina-A.D. 1643.
tion is no purgation ; partly lest the public enemy '-9 — —L
of the protestant religion should make an advantage
thereof.
34. To supply the vacant places, many young Vacant u.
students (whose orders got the speed of their de-gip^JiedT
grees) left the universities. Other ministers turned
duallists and pluralists, it being now charity, what
was formerly covetousness, to hold two or three
benefices. These could plead for themselves the
practice of Mr. Sanders, the martyr1, who held two
livings at good distance, because he could not resign
one but into the hands of a Papist, as these men
would not surrender them to malignants. Many
vicarages of great cure but small value were without
ministers, (whilst rich matches have many suitors,
they may die virgins that have no portions to prefer
them,) which was often complained of, seldom re-
dressed, it passing for a current maxim, it was safer
for people to fast than to feed on the poison of
malignant pastors.
85. Let us now look a little into the assembly of Dissenting
divines, where we shall not find them (as we might 6m appear
justly expect) all of one tongue and of one language, iembfy?*"
there being some not concurring with the major
part, and therefore styled dissenting brethren. I
know the Scotch writers call them of the separation,
but because mollifying terms are the best poultices
to be applied to the first swellings of church dif-
ferences, we decline these words of distaste. They
are also commonly called Independents, though they
themselves (if summoned by that name) will return
1 Fox's Acts and Monuments, p. 1494, in an. 1555.
FULLER, VOL. VI. T
374
The Church History
BOOK Xt.
a.d. 164.M10 vous arez thereunto, as to a word odious and
19 '***' offensive in the common sound and notation thereof.
For independency, taken for absolute subsistence,
without relation to, 1, God, is profane and blas-
phemous; 2, king or state, is seditious and trea-
cherous; 8, other churches, is proud and a \ bitious;
4, particular Christians, is churlish and uncharitable.
These dissenting brethren, or congregationalists,
were but five in the assembly* though many more
of their judgments dispersed in the land ; namely,
1 . Thomas Goodwin, bred first in Christ's College, then
fellow of Katherine Hall, in Cambridge ; 2. Philip
Nye, who had his education in Oxford ; 3. William
Bridge, fellow of Emanuel College in Cambridge;
all three still alive ; 4. Sidrach Simpson, of Queen's
College in Cambridge ; 5. Jeremiah Burroughs, of
Emanuel College in Cambridge, both deceased6.
It is our unhappiness, that in writing their story we
have little save what we have collected out of the
writings of pens professedly engaged against them,
and therefore the less credit is to be given there-
unto. However, in this narration there is nothing
of my own, so that if any falsehoods therein, they
must be charged on their account whom the reader
shall behold cited in the margin ; otherwise, I con-
fess my personal respects to some of the aforenamed
dissenters for favours received from them.
36. Some ten years since the sinful corruptions (to
a [Baillie however speaks of
there being '• ten or eleven in
" the synod, many of them very
" able men/' and then enume-
rates besides those mentioned
by Fuller, Carter, Caryl, Phil-
lips, and Sterey. Lett. 39.]
h [They were the authors of
the pamphlet hereafter fre-
quently quoted by Fuller, en-
titled, "An Apologetical Nar-
" ration, humbly submitted to
" both Houses of Parliament,"
Lond. 1643.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 275
use their own language c) of the worship and govern- a. d. i643.
ment in this church, taking hold on their consciences, -
unable any longer to comport therewith, they de-0f their first
serted their native country. This we believe the tho aiim!df
true cause of their departure, not what some sug-
gest d, that one for debt and another for danger
(to answer some ill interpreted words concerning
the Scots) were forced to forsake the land. And
although I will not say they left not an hoof of
their estates behind tbem here, they will confess
they conveyed over the most considerable part there-
of. Many wealthy merchants and their families
went over with them, so that of all exiles (for so
they style themselves) these may seem most like
voluntary travellers for good company, though of
all travellers most like to exiles.
37* Their reception beyond the seas in Holland Are kindly
_ entertained
was fair and civil, where the States (who, though in Holland.
they tolerate, own not all religions) were interpreted
to acknowledge them and their churches by many
signs of their favour. First, by granting them their
own churches to assemble in for divine worship,
where their own countrymen met also the same day
(but at different hours) for the same purpose: by
permitting the ringing of a belle, to call people
to their public meetings, which loudly sounded the
States' consent unto them, as not allowed to such
clandestine sects, which shelter themselves rather
under the permission than protection thereof: by
assigning a full and liberal maintenance annually
c Apol. Nar. p. 2. if tion of Mr. Goodwin, &c. ;
* Mr. Edwards in his An- " wherein is handled many of
swer to the Apol. Nar. ["An- "the controversies of these
tapologia, or a full Answer " times." Lond. 1644.]
ft
to the Apologetical Narra- c Apol. Nar. p. 7.
T 2
276 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1643. for their ministers, as also wine for their com-
ic Chas. I.
mumons.
Nor can there be a better evidence of giving the
right hand of fellowship than to give the full hand
of liberality. A moiety of this people fixed at Rot-
terdam, where they landed ; the other travelled up
higher for better air to Wianen, and thence soon
after removed to Arnhein, a sweet and pleasant city.
No part of Holland (largely taken f) affording more
of England therein, resembled in their letters to
their friends to Hertford, or Bury in Suffolk.
JjTtHSr 88' Then fal1 they to consu,t of church discipline,
wt£* professing themselves a mere abrasa tabula, with
"" virgin judgments, longing only to be married to the
truth. Yea, they looked " upon the word of Christn
(reader, it is their own expression *,) "as impartially
" and unprejudicially as men made of flesh and blood
" are like to do in any juncture of time that may
" fell out ; 'the place they went to, the condition
" they were in, the company they went forth with,
" affording no temptation to bias them any way."
Th«r two 39. And first, they lay down two grand ground-
ground- works on which their following fabric was to be
erected.
i. Only to take what was held forth in God's
word, leaving nothing to church practice or human
prudence, as but the iron legs and clay toes of that
statue whose head and whole body ought to be of
pure Scripture gold.
ii. Not to make their present judgment binding
unto them for the future.
Their adversaries cavil hereat, as a reserve able
f Otherwise Arnhein is in Gelderland. ff Apol. Nar. p. 3.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 277
to rout all the armies of arguments whteh are a. d. 1643.
brought against them, that because one day teacheth "
another, they will not be tied on Tuesday morning
to maintain their tenets on Monday night, if a new
discovery intervene.
40. In pursuance of these principles they pitched c«*«n»-
on a middle way (as generally the posture of truth) churches
betwixt presbytery, as too rigorous, imperious, and
conclusive, and Brownism, as too vague, loose, and
uncertain11. Their main platform was, that churches
should not be subordinate, parochial to provincial,
provincial to national, (as daughter to mother, mo-
ther to grandmother,) but coordinate, without supe-
riority, except seniority of sisters, containing no
powerful influence therein. Thus the church, for-
merly like a chain with links of dependency on one
another, should hereafter become like an heap of
rings, each entire in itself, but (as they thought) far
purer than was ever seen before.
41. The manner of their church service, according The man.
to their own relation1, was performed m the form cimrah Mr-
following : public and solemn prayers for kings and vlce*
all in authority; reading the scriptures of the Old
and New Testament, with exposition thereof on
occasion ; administration of the two sacraments,
baptism to infants, and the Lord's supper ; singing
of psalms, and collection for the poor every Lord's
day; for public officers they had pastors, teachers,
and ruling elders, (not lay but ecclesiastic persons,)
and deacons. As for church censures, they resolved
only on admonition and excommunication, the latter
whereof was never handselled in their church k, as
fe Apol. Nar. p. 24. * Ibid. p. 8. k Ibid. p. 9.
T 8
278 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1643. no reason that the rod, though made, should be
— — used where the children are all quiet and dutiful.
Synods they account useful, and in some cases neces-
sary, yet so that their power is but official, not
authoritative, whereby they may declare the truth,
not enjoin obedience thereunto. Or take it in the
language of one of their grandees : actus regiminu
a synodis debent porrigi non peragi1, the latter be-
longing to the liberty of several congregations. Their
adversaries' object, that none can give in an exact
account of all their opinions, daily capable of alter-
ation and increase; while such countries, whose
unmovable mountains and stable valleys keep a
fixed position, may be easily surveyed, no geogra-
pher can accurately describe some part of Arabia,
where the flitting sands driven with the winds have
their frequent removals, so that the traveller findeth
a hole at his return where he left a hill at his
departure. Such the uncertainty of these congre-
gationalists in their judgments, only they plead for
themselves, it is not the wind of every doctrine1",
are always but the sun of the truth which with its new lights
lights. makes them renounce their old and embrace new
resolutions.
^^||in 42. Soon after a heavy schism happened in the
church, church of Rotterdam betwixt Mr. Bridge and Mr.
Simpson, the two pastors thereof; insomuch that the
latter, rent himself, (saith one",) from Mr. Bridge his
church, to the great offence thereof; though more
probable, as another reporteth0, Mr. Simpson was dis-
1 Responsio [ad Guil. Apol- his preface to Mr. Norton's
lonii Syllogen ad componendas book.
controversies in Anglia. Lond. n Mr.Edwardsutpriu8tp.35.
1648.] Jo. Norton, p. 114. ° Mr. John Goodwin in an-
m Eph. iv. 15. Mr. Cotton swer to Mr. Edwards, p. 238.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 279
missed with the consent of the church. However, a. d. 1643.
many bitter letters passed betwixt them, and more
sent over to their friends in England full of invec-
tives, blackness of the tongue always accompanying
the paroxysms of such distempers. Their presbyte-
rian adversaries make great use hereof to their dis-
grace 1. If such infant churches, whilst their hands
could scarce hold any thing, fell a scratching, and
their feet spuming and kicking one another before
they could well go alone, how stubborn and vex-
atious would they be when arrived at riper years !
43. This schism was seconded with another in theAwcond
same church, wherein they deposed one of their the same
ministers. (Mr. Ward I conceive his name,) which0 u
was beheld as a bold and daring deed, especially
because herein they consulted not their sister church
at Arnhein, which publicly was professed mutually
to be done in cases of concernment. Here the pres-
byterians triumph in their conceived discovery of the
nakedness and weakness of the congregational way,
which for want of ecclesiastical subordination is too
short to reach out a redress to such grievances. For
seeing par in parent non habet potestatem, " equals
" have no power over their equals," the aggrieved
party could not right himself by any appeal unto a
superior. But such consider not the end as well as
the beginning of this difference, wherein the church
of Arnhein r interposing, (not as a judge to punish
offenders, but as a brother to check the failings of a
brother,) matters were so ordered, that Mr. Ward
was restored to his place, when both he and the
church had mutually confessed their sinful carriage
<l Mr. John Goodwin in answer to Mr. Edwards, p. 245.
r Apol. Nar. p. 21.
T 4
280 The Church History book xi.
A.D.i64.j.in the matter; but enough, (if not too much hereof,)
19 Chas. I. ° m
seeing every thing put in a pamphlet is not fit to be
recorded in a chronicle.
Theprac- 44. More concord crowned the congregation at
tice of 00
Amhein Arnhein, where Mr. Goodwin and Mr. Nye were
pastors, wherein besides those church ordinances
formerly mentioned, actually admitted and exercised,
some others stood candidates and fair probationers
on their good behaviour, namely, if under trial they
were found convenient ; such were
i. The holy kiss8.
ii. Prophesyings1 when private Christians at fit
times made public use of their parts and gifts in the
congregation.
iii Hymns ', and, which if no better divinity than
music, might much be scrupled at,
iv. Widows*, as essential she-ministers in the
church, which if it be so, our late civil wars in
England have afforded us plenty for the place.
v. Anointing of dying people, as a standing apo-
stolical y ordinance.
Th«five 45. Other things were in agitation, when now the
tum home, news arriveth, that the parliament sitting at West-
minster had broken the yoke of ceremonies, and
proclaimed a year of jubilee to all tender consciences.
Home then they hasted with all convenient speed ;
for only England is England indeed, though some
parts of Holland may be like unto it. Over they
came in a very good plight and equipage, which the
presbyterians (and those I assure you are quick-
sighted when pleased to pry) took notice of. Not a
8 1 Cor. xvi. 20. * 1 Tim. v. 9.
t 1 Cor. xiv. y James v. 14.
u Eph. v. 19, and Col. iii. 16.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 881
hair of their head singed, nor any smell of the fire of a.d. 1643.
persecution upon their clothes. However they were : — -
not to be blamed, if ' setting their best foot forward*
in their return, and appearing in the handsomest and
cheerftillest fashion for the credit of their cause, and
to shew that they were not dejected with their suf-
ferings.
46. Presently they fall upon gathering of congre- father
gations, but chiefly in or about the city of London. England.
Trent may be good, and Severn better, but oh the
Thames is the best for the plentiful taking of fish
therein. They did pick (I will not say steal) hence
a master, thence a mistress of a family, a son out of
a third, a servant out of a fourth parish, all which
met together in their congregation. Some prevented
calling, by their coming, of old parishioners to become
new church members, and so forward were they of
themselves, that they needed no force to compel nor
art to persuade them. Thus a new inn never wanteth
guests at the first setting up, especially if hanging
out a fair sign, and promising more cleanness and
neatness than is in any of their neighbours.
47- The presbyterians found themselves muchTkepw*-
byteri&iis
aggrieved hereat. They accounted this practice of offended,
the dissenting brethren but ecclesiastical felony, or
at the best that they were but spiritual interlopers
for the same. They justly feared (if this fashion
continued) the falling of the roof, or foundering of
the foundations of their own parishes, whence so
many corner stones, pillars, rafters, and beams, were
taken by the other to build their congregations.
They complained that these new pastors, though
slighting tithes and set maintenance, yet so ordered
the matter by gathering their churches, that these
u
4C
it
it
€i
£88 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1643. gleanings of Ephraim became better than the vintage
— of Abi-ezer.
Dwenting 48. Not long after, when the Assembly of divines
crave a to- was called, these five congregationalists were chosen
<m' members thereof, but came not up with a full con-
sent to all things acted therein. As accounting that
the pressing of an exact occurrence to the presby-
terian government was but a kind of a conscience-
prison, whilst accurate conformity to the Scotch
church was the very dungeon thereof; •• a regimine
" ecclesiastico," say they1, " uti nunc in Scotia viget
longius distamus, quippe quod (ut nobis videtur)
non tantum a scripturis, sed ab ecclesiarum refor-
matarum suorumque theologorum sententiis (qui
sub episcoporum tyrannide diu duriterque passi
sunt) plurimum distat." No wonder therefore if
they desired a toleration to be indulged them, aud
they excused for being concluded by the votes of
the Assembly.
Oppoaedby 49. But the presbyterians highly opposed their
toleration, and such who desired most ease and
liberty for their sides when bound with episcopacy,
now girt their own government the closest about the
consciences of others. They tax the dissenting
brethren for singularity, as if these men (like the
five senses of the church) should discover more in
matter of discipline than all the Assembly besides,
some moving their ejection out of the same, except
in some convenient time they would comply there-
with*.
* In their epistle to the other spawn of the same kind,
reader prefixed to Mr. Norton's this work had its origin in the
book. interminable debates and bick-
a Apol. Nar. p. 2. [Like erings of the Assembly of di-
CENT. XVII.
of' Britain.
888
50. Hopeless to speed here, the dissenters season- AJkl6*}-
j i 19O1M. 1.
ably presented an apologetical narrative to the parlia
But fift"
ment, styled by them ** the most sacred refuge and soured by
" asylum for mistaken and misjudged innocence." \t^T **"
Herein they petitioned pathetically for some favour,
whose conscience could not join with the Assembly in
all particulars, concluding with that pitiful close,
(enough to force tears from any tender heart,) that
" theyb pursued no other interest or design but a
** subsistence (be it the poorest and meanest) in
" their own land, as not knowing where else with
" safety, health, and livelihood to set their feet on
" earth," and subscribed their names : —
" Thomas Goodwin. Sidrach Simson. William Bridge.
" Philip Nye. Jeremiah Burroughs."
If since their condition be altered and bettered,
vines. Dr. Baillie, who was a
rigid presbyterian, earnest for
the parliamentary establish-
ment of the Scottish observ-
ances, complains bitterly of
the waste of time and of the
heart-burnings caused by the
dissenting brethren, that is, the
Independents. They resorted
to various manoeuvres to pro-
long the time, as finding that
their party gained strength by
the delay. After several ses-
sions and debates to no pur-
pose, at which the Independents
held off with long weapons,
and debated all things with the
utmost prolixity, which " came
within twenty miles^of their
quarters, foreseeing that they
" behoved^ere long to come to
the point, they put out in
print on a sudden an Apolo-
getical Narration of their
»»
<r
tt
tt
tt
tt
i(
it
tt
a
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
«
ft
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt
way, which long had lien
ready beside them, wherein
they petition the parliament
in a most sly and cunning
way for a toleration, and
withal had too bold wipes to
all the reformed churches,
as imperfect yet in their re-
formation, while (until) their
new model be embraced,
which they set out so well
as they are able. This piece
abruptly they presented to
the Assembly, giving to every
member a copy; also they
gave books to some of either
lionse. — The thing in itself
coming out at this time, was
very apt to have kindled a
fire, and it seems both the
Devil and some men intend-
ed it." Lett. 43.]
b Ibid. p. 31.
284 The Church History book xr.
a.d. 1645. that they (then wanting where to set their feet)
1? 1 since lie down at their length in the fat of the land;
surely they have returned proportionable gratitude
to God for the same. Sure it is that at the present
these petitioners found such favour with some potent
persons in parliament, that they were secured from
further trouble, and from lyinjr at a posture of
defence, are now grown able, not only to encounter,
but invade all opposers, yea, to open and shut the
door of preferment to others; so unsearchable are
the dispensations of divine Providence in making
sudden and unexpected changes, (as in whole na-
tions,) so in private men's estates, according to the
counsel of his will.
New 51. Such as desire further instruction in the
churches tenets of these congregationalists may have their
taSJufe recourse to those many pamphlets written pro and
con thereof. The worst is, some of them speak so
loud we can scarce understand what they say, so
hard is it to collect their judgments, such the vio-
lence of their passions. Only I will add, that for the
main the churches of New England are the same in.
discipline with these dissenting brethren.
Tk* «f 52. Only I will add, that of ail the authors I have
referred to *
Mr. Nor- perused concerning the opinions of these dissenting
" brethren, none to me was more informative than
Mr. John Norton, (one of no less learning than
modesty,) minister in New England, in his answer
to Apollonius Pastor in the church of Middle-
borough .
Mr. Herie 53. Look we now again into the Assembly of
sueceedeth c J
prolocutor divines, where we find Dr. Cornelius Burgess and
Twi» Mr. Herbert Palmer the assessors therein, and 1 am
informed by some (more skilful in such niceties than
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
885
myself) that two at the least of that office are of the a.d. 1644.
quorum essential to every lawful assembly. But I
miss Dr. William Twiss, their prolocutor, lately de-
ceased ; he was bred in New College in Oxford,
good with the trowel, but better with the sword,
more happy in polemical divinity than edifying doc-
trine. Therefore he was chosen d by the state of
Holland to be professor of divinity there, which he
thankfully refused. Mr. Charles Herle, fellow of
Exeter college of Oxford, succeeded him in his place,
one so much Christian, scholar, and gentleman, that
he can unite in affection with those who are dis-
joined in judgment from him*.
54. The Assembly met with many difficulties, some Mr. 8d-
com plaining of Mr. Selden, that advantaged by hisziingq^
skill in antiquity, common law, and the oriental ne§"
tongues, he employed them rather to pose than
d See his dedication to them
in his book called Vindiciae
Gratis. (Dr. Baillie, to whose
Journal such frequent refer-
ence has been made, seems to
have entertained no very ex-
alted opinion of Dr. Twiss.
" The prolocutor at the be-
" ginning and end has a short
" prayer* The man, as the
M world goes* is very learned in
" the questions he has studied,
" and very good and beloved of
" all, and highly esteemed; but
" merely bookish, and not much
" as it seems acquaint with
" conceived prayer ; among the
" unfittest of all the company
for any action ; so after the
prayer he site mute. It was
the canny conveyance of these,
" who guide most matters for
" their own interest, to plant
«•
tt
«»
«
«
" such a man of purpose in
" the chair. The one assessor,
" our good friend Dr. Burgess,
" a very active and sharp man,
" supplies, so far as is decent,
*' the prolocutor's place ; the
" other, our good friend Mr.
Whyte, has kept in of the
gout since our coming."]
e [He became an Independent.
But how Fuller could pass this
eulogium upon him is strange;
since Herle was one of the
committee for examining the
loyal clergy, whom the puri-
tans called the scandalous and
malignant ministers, in which
office he behaved with extreme
severity and injustice. See his
Life in Wood's Ath. ii. p. 237.
But this is not the only occa-
sion .in which Fuller truckled
too much to the times.]
286 The Church History book xr.
A. d. 1644. profit, perplex than inform the members thereof, in
' the fourteen queries he propounded. Whose intent
therein was to humble the jure-divinoship of pres-
bytery, which though hinted and held forth, is not
so made out in Scripture, but being too scant on
many occasions it must be pieced with prudential
additions. This great scholar, not overloving of any
(and least of all these) clergymen, delighted himself in
raising of scruples for the vexing of others, and some
stick not to say, that those who will not feed on the
flesh of God's word, cast most bones to others to
break their teeth therewith,
wh^w^di- 55# More trouble was caused to the Assembly by
ed»and the opinions of the Erastians, and it is worth our
what they
held. inquiry into the first author thereof. They were so
called from Thomas Erastus, a doctor of physic,
born at Baden in Switzerland, lived professor in
Heidelberg, and died at Basil about the year one
thousand five hundred eighty three. He was of
the privy council to Frederic, the first protestant
prince Palatine of that name, and this Erastus (like
our Mr. Perkins) being lamef of his right, wrote all
with his left hand, and amongst the rest, one against
Theodore Beza, de excommunicatione, to this effect,
that the power and excommunication in a Christian
state principally resides in secular power as the most
competent judge, when and how the same shall be
exercised.
The Era- ]yjr- John Coleman, a modest and learned man,
•nans in the
A«emUy. beneficed in Lincolnshire, and Mr. John Lightfoot,
well skilled in rabbinical learning, were the chief
members of the Assembly, who (for the main) main-
f Thuanus in Obit. Vir. Illustr. anno 1583. [See also his
Theses, p. 350. Pescl. 1589.]
cent. xvii. of Britain. 287
tained the tenets of Erastus. These often produced a. d. i644.
the Hebrew original for the power of princes in 1
ecclesiastical matters. For though the New Testa-
ment be silent of the temporal magistrate (princes
then being pagans) his intermeddling in church-
matters, the Old is very vocal therein, where the
authority of the kings of Judah, as nursing fathers
to the church, is very considerable.
57. No wonder if the prince palatine (constantly Favourably
present at their debates) heard the Erastians with w
much delight, as welcoming their opinions for country
sake, (his natives as first born in Heidelberg,) though
otherwise in his own judgment no favourer thereof.
But other parliament-men listened very favourably
to their arguments, (interest is a good quickener of
attention,) hearing their own power enlarged thereby,
and making use of these Erastians for a check to
such who pressed conformity to the Scotch kirk in
all particulars.
58. Indeed, once the Assembly stretched them- TheAwem-
selves beyond their own line, ill meddling with wbatiy^edked.
was not committed by the parliament to their cogni-
zance and consultation, for which thev were after-
ward staked down, and tied up with a shorter tedder.
For though the wise parliament made use of the
presbyterian zeal and activity for the extirpation of
bishops, yet they discreetly resolved to hold a strict
hand over them ; as not coming by their own power
to advise, but called to advise with the parliament.
Nor were they to cut out their own work, but to
make up what was cut to their own hands, and
seeing a prtemunire is a rod as well for a presbyter
as a prelate, (if either trespass on the state by their
over activity,) though they felt not this rod, it was
£88 The Church History book xt.
a-D- l644- shewed to them, and shaked over them, and they
SO CllHS. I.
■ shrewdly and justly shent for their overmeddling,
which made them the wiser and warier for the time
to come.
SdrfT*^ 59. Indeed, the major part of the Assembly endea-
rmin utrived voured the settling of the Scotch government in all
particulars, that though Tweed parted their countries,
nothing might divide their church discipline, and
this was laboured by the Scotch commissioners with
all industry and probable means to obtain the same ;
but it could not be effected, nor was it ever settled
by act of parliament. For as in heraldry the same
seeming lions in colour and posture (rampant and
langued alike) are not the self-same, if the one be
armed with nails and teeth, the other deprived of
both, so cannot the English be termed the same
with the Scotch presbytery, the former being in a
manner absolute in itself, the latter depended on
the state in the execution of the power thereof.
Coerei bn ®®# Insomuch> that the parliament kept the co-
tothepwr- ercive power in their own hands, not trusting them
to carry the keys at their girdle, so that the power
of excommunication was not intrusted with them,
but ultimately resolved into a committee of eminent
persons of parliament, whereof Thomas, earl of
Arundel, (presumed present because absent with
leave beyond the seas,) is the first person nomi-
nated.
Uxbndge 6l. A treaty was kept at Uxbridge betwixt the
fruitless J V ©
treaty. commissioners of the king and parliament, many
well-meaning people promising themselves good suc-
cess thereby, whilst others thought this treaty was
born with a dying countenance, saying there wanted
a third to interpose to make their distances up by
cent. xvii. of Britain. 889
powerful persuasion, no hope of good in either with- AD- 1644*
out condescension in both parties. One may smile
at their inference, who presumed that the king's
commissioners, coming to Uxbridge two parts of
three to meet those of the parliament, would propor-
tionally comply in their yieldings. A weak topical
conjecture, confuted by the formerly going of the
parliament's commissioners clean through to Oxford,
and yet little condescension to their propositions*.
62. Here Mr. Christopher Love (waiting on the Mr. Lore's
parliament commissioners in a general relation) gave tion.
great offence to the royalists in his sermon h, shewing
the impossibility of an agreement, such the dan-
gerous errors and malicious practices of the opposite
party ; many condemned his want of charity, more
of discretion in this juncture of time, when there
should be a cessation from invectives for the time
being. But men's censures must fall the more
lightly upon his memory, because since he hath
suffered, and so satisfied here for his faults in this or
any other kind1.
c [All the material papers cause his destruction) of bring*
and proceedings of this treaty ing in Charles II, the Pres-
will be found in Dugdale's byterians having row become
Short View of the late Trou- so thoroughly incensed against
Met, &c p. 737. The ori- their rivals, as to be willing to
gmals are in Thurloe's Col- make any sacrifice to obtain
lection now preserved in the their revenge. The little com-
Bodleian. It began at Ux- miseration that this vain and
bridge Jan. 30th, 1644. See weak man met withal, was a
also the particulars of it in just retribution for his conduct
Clarendon's History of the Re- towards his sovereign; and a
bellion, v. 36.] striking illustration of the
* [See Dugdale's Short warning given in the Psalms,
View, p. 764.] that the bloodthirsty man shall
• [He suffered in 165 1 ; not live out half his days. See
having been accused by the In- his Life in Wood's Athen. ii.
dependents (falsely, in order to p. 136.]
ruLLXft, vol, VI. D
290 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1644. 68. With the commissioners on both sides certain
20 Chan. I.
—clergymen were sent in their presence to debate the
enceofdi- point of church government.
vines.
For the king. For the parliament.
Dr. [Richard] Stewart. Mr. Stephen Marshall.
Dr. [Gilbert] Sheldon. j Mr. Richard Vines.
Dr. Benjamin Laney. |
Dr. Henry Hammond.
Dr. Henry Feme.
These, when the commissioners were at leisure from
civil affairs, were called to a conference before them.
Dr. Laney 64. Dr. Laney proffered to prove the great bene-
be heart, fits which had accrued to God's church in all ages
by the government by bishops ; but the Scotch com-
missioners would in no wise hear him, whereupon
the doctor was contentedly silent. Some discourses
rather than disputes passed betwixt Dr. Stewart
and Mr. Marshall, leaving no great impressions in
the memories of those that were present thereat.
Anaiga- gg Only Mr. Vines was much applauded by his
ment ad ho- J m x *■ J
mwntifnotown party, for proving the sufficiency of ordination
by presbyters, because ministers made by Presby-
terian government in France and the Low Countries
were owned and acknowledged by our bishops for
lawfully ordained for all intents and purposes, both
to preach and sacramentize, and no reordi nation
required of them. Thus the goodness of bishops in
their charity to others was made use of against them-
selves, and the necessity of the episcopal function.
Books made 65. To return to the Assembly ; the monuments
by the As- J
sembiy. which they have left to posterity of their meeting
are chiefly these : Articles of Religion drawn up by
them, and a double Catechism; one the lesser, the
other the greater; whereof at first very few were
CENT. *VII.
of Britain.
291
printed for parliament men, meaner folk not attain- a. *^k-
ing so great a treasure, besides their Directory,
whereof hereafter,
67* As for the conclusion of this Assembly, it The Awem-
dwindled away by degrees, though never legally sinketh
dissolved J ; many of them, after the taking of e^ **
J [The truth is, they never
could come to any agreement ;
the Independents daily grow-
ing too strong to be put down,
contrary to the hopes of the
Presbyterians. They had been
admitted into the assembly at the
first without suspicion, indeed
with the expectation that they
might be reasoned into some
conformity with the rest, or if
not, the Presbyterians reckon-
ed upon possessing sufficient
influence to force their compli-
ance. " We trust to carry (all)
" at last, (says Baillie) ; with
*' the contentment of sundry
" once opposite, and silence
" of all their divine and scrip.
" tural institution. This is a
•* point of high consequence,
•c and upon no other we expect
" so great difficulty, except
** alone on Independency ; —
•• wherewith we purpose not to
" meddle in haste? till it please
" God to advance our army,
u which we expect will much as-
" sist our arguments. However,
we are not desperate of some
accommodation; for Good-
win, Burroughs, and Bridges
" are men full, as it seems
" yet, of grace and modesty ;
" if they shall prove otherwise,
" the body of the Assembly and
" parliament, city and county,
" will disclaim them." Lett. 39.
A few days after we find him
thus writing : " In the time of
««
«r
««
(€
«
€4
C<
«
*' this anarchy the divisions of
people do much increase ;
the Independent party grows,
" but the Anabaptist 8 more,
" and the Antinomians most.
The Independents being most
able men and of great credit,
fearing no less than banish-
" ment from their native coun-
" try of Presbyteries here e-
'* rected, are watchful that no
" conclusion be taken to their
" prejudice. It was my ad-
u vice, which Mr. Henderson
presently applauded, and
gave me thanks for it, to
eschew a public rupture with
" the Independents till we were
more able for them ; as yet
a presbytery to this people
" is conceived to be a strange
" monster." Lett. 40. He soon
found reason, however, to
change his tone, and his sub-
sequent letters are full of in-
vectives against the sectaries,
as he calls them. They out-
manoeuvred the Presbyterians
turning their designs upon
their own heads. It was in
reality a trial of strength, not
of reason or justice; and as
the influence of the Scotch
and the credit of their armies
declined, their power in the
assembly declined also. The
Independents also in their turn
learned what advantage their
cause derived by the success
of those in the army who pro-
U2
tt
<4
€(
44
C(
293
The Church History
TOOK XL
a. d. 1644. Oxford, returning to their own cures, and others
ao /living in London absented themselves, as disliking
fessed their principles ; and they
pushed their advantage to the
uttermost. Having induced
Cromwell to join them, or ra-
ther being led by him whose
interests and judgments were
the same, they took every op-
portunity of increasing his
fame and popularity ; whatever
honour was gained by other
men's valour and good conduct,
was cast upon him. As Wal-
ker tells us, "the news-books
" were taught to speak no lan-
" gUAge but Cromwell and his
" party ; and were mute in
" such actions as he and they
" could claim no share in ; —
" when any great exploit was
" half achieved, and the diffi-
*' culties overcome, Cromwell
" was sent to finish it and take
" the glory to himself; all other
" men must be eclipsed, that
" Cromwell (the knight of the
" sun, and Don Quixote of the
" Independents) and his party
" may shine the brighter." —
History of Independ. i. p. 30.
The result might be easily fore-
seen ; as the Independents
and their party increased, they
cared but little for the Assem-
bly or its sanction ; and ended
with despising it and its mem-
bers altogether. From this pe-
riod, Baillie's letters are full of
the humiliation and disappoint-
ment experienced by himself
and his fellow commissioners
from Scotland. At one time
he says ; " Our hearts here
" are oft much weighted and
" wounded by many hands.
** Our wrestlings with devils
" and men are great: however
" the body of this people be as
" great as any people, yet they
" that rule all are mucu oppo-
" site to our desires. Some
" very few guide all now at
•• their pleasure, only through
" the default of our army. For
" this long time they have not
" trusted us." Lett. 119. Else*
where : " All here is in the ba-
" lance. In the assembly we
" are going on languidly with
" the Confession of Faith and
44 Catechism. The minds of
" the divines are much en-
•• feebled. Mr. Prynne and
" the Erastian lawyers" (which
are a large portion of the
house) " are now our femora.
" The Independents and sects
" are quiet, enjoying peaceably
" all their desires and increas-
" ing daily their party. They
" speak no more of bringing
" their model to the Assembly.
" We are afraid of this shame-
" ful and monstrous delay of
" building the Lord's house,
" and their ingratitude and un-
'* kindness to us in our deep
sufferings for them will pro*
voke God against them ;
which we oft earnestly de-
precate." Lett. 117. This
concluding remark, with which
also I must terminate this note,
looks like dissimulation, but it
is the unintentional dissimula-
tion of one who had deceived
himself. Unperceived perhaps
by themselves, their own profit
and aggrandizement had be-
come the leading motive of his
and his coadjutors' actions :
could they wonder that from
such sowing they reaped only
c<
««
«t
t<
cent, xvik of Britain. 298
the managing of matters. Such as remained (having a. d.i644.
survived their great respect) and being too few to ™ '
maintain the dignity of an Assembly, contented
themselves with the notion of a committee, chiefly
employed to examine their abilities and good affec-
tions, who were presented to livings ; till at last, as
in philosophy, accidentia non corrumpuntur sed desi-
nunt, they vanish with the parliament, and now the
execution of the archbishop of Canterbury comes
next under our pen, whose trial being most of civil
concernment is so largely done in a book of that
subject, that by us it may be justly omitted k.
68. Next followed the execution of the arch- The arch-
bishop of Canterbury, sheriff Chambers of London p!mj£*°
bringing over night the warrant for the same anddeath*
acquainting him therewith. In preparation to so
sad a work, he betook himself to his own, and
desired also the prayers of others, and particularly
of Dr. Holds worth, fellow prisoner in that place for
a year and half; though all that time there had not
been the least converse betwixt them. On the
morrow he was brought out of the tower to the
scaffold, which he ascended with a cheerful counte-
nance, (as rather to gain a crown than lose a head,)
imputed by his friends to the clearedness, by his
foes to the searedness, of his conscience. The be-
holders that day were so divided betwixt bemoaners
and in8ulter8, it was hard to decide which of them
made up the major part of the company.
69. He made a sermon speech, taking for his text And _ .
the two first verses of the twelfth chapter of the w» own fa-
epistle to the Hebrews: Let us run with patience mon.
ingratitude ? " Hac seges in- " annis."]
" gratos tvlit, et feret omnibus k By Prynne in his Breviate*
U 3
£94 The Church History book xu
A- SjJ"*4!* the race which is set before us ; looking unto Jesus
the author and finisher of our faith, who for the
Joy that was set before him endured the cross, de-
spising the shame, and is set down at the right hand
of the throne of God. Craving leave to make use
of his notes, (for the infirmity of his aged memory,)
he dilated thereon about half an hour, which dis-
course, because common, (as publicly printed,) we
here forbear to insert1. For the main, he protested
his own innocence and integrity, as never intending
any subversion of laws and liberty ; no enemy to
parliaments, (though a misliker of some miscarriages,)
and a protestant in doctrine and discipline according
to the established laws of the land ; speech ended,
he betook himself a while to his prayers, and after-
wards prepared himself for the fatal stroke.
Questioned 70. Sir John Clotworthy (a member of the house
assurance of commons) being present, interrogated him con-
J^'^^cerning bis assurance of salvation, and whereon the
**"• same was grounded111. Some censured this inter-
ruption for uncivil and unseasonable, as intended to
ruffle his soul with passion, just as he was fairly
folding it up to deliver it into the hands of his
Redeemer. But the archbishop calmly returned,
that his assurance was evidenced unto him by that
inward comfort which he found in his own soul.
Then lying down on the block, and praying, Lord,
receive my soul, the executioner dexterously did his
office, and at one blow severed his head from his
body. Instantly his face (ruddy in the last moment)
1 [It is printed in Heylin's part towards the archbishop
Life of Laud, p. 53 1 .] that Cheynell did towards Chil-
m [This indecent fanatic ling worth. See Heylin, ibid,
seems to have acted the same p. 536.]
cent, xvii, of Britain. 995
turned white as ashes, confuting their falsehoods A?^4/'
who gave it out that he had purposely painted it,
to fortify his cheeks against discovery of fear in the
paleness of his complexion. His corpse was pri-
vately interred in the church of Allhallows Barking,
without any solemnity, save that some will say, he
had (in those days) a fair funeral who had the
Common Prayer read thereat".
71. He was born anno 1573, of honest parents, His With in
at Reading in Berkshire, a place, for the position brwding'in
thereof, almost equally distanced from Oxford, the°xford*
scene of his breeding, and London, the principal
stage of his preferment. His mother was sister to
sir William Webb, (born also at Reading,) Salter,
and anno 1591 lord mayor of London0. Here the
archbishop afterwards built an almshouse, and en-
dowed it with two hundred pounds per annum, as
appeareth by his own diary, which, if evidence
against him for his faults, may be used as a witness
of his good works. Hence was he sent to St. John's
College in Oxford, where he attained to such emi-
nency of learning, that oneP since hath ranked him
amongst the greatest scholars of our nation. He
afterwards married Charles Blount, earl of Devon-
shire, to the lady Rich, which proved (if intended
an advantage under his feet, to make him higher
in the notice of the world) a covering to his face,
and was often cast a rub in his way, when running
n [He was executed Jan. io, St. John's College in Oxford.]
1645, on Tower-hill; at first ° [See Heylin's Life of
he was sentenced to be hanged, Laud, p. 46.]
drawn, and quartered ; after- P [See " The Appeal, &c."
wards to be simply beheaded, part iii. p. 60.] Dr. Heylin
The body was finally removed in his last edition of the Ali-
and interred in the chapel of crocosm.
u 4
896 T/ie Church Hutory soot xi.
A. d. 1645. in bis full speed to preferment, till after some diffi-
' culty his greatness at the last made a shift to stride
over it.
He oharg- 72. In some sort he may be said to have served
tSTa in aU offices in the church, from a common soldier
ferment**" to a ^n^ °f general therein. There was neither
order, office, degree, nor dignity in college, church,
or university, but he passed thorough it. 1. Order,
deacon, priest, bishop, archbishop. 2. Office, scho-
lar, fellow, president of St. John's College, proctor,
and chancellor of Oxford. S. Degree, bachelor and
master of arts, bachelor and doctor of divinity.
4, Dignity, vicar of Stanford, parson of Ibstock, pre-
bendary of Westminster, archdeacon of Huntingdon,
dean of Gloucester, bishop of St. David's in Wales,
Bath and Wells, and London, in England, and finally
archbishop of Canterbury. It was said of Dr. George
Abbot, his predecessor, that he suddenly started to
be a bishop without ever having pastoral charge,
whereas this man was a great traveller in all cli-
mates of church preferment, sufficient to acquaint
him with an experimental knowledge of the con-
ditions of all such persons who at last were subjected
to his authority.
Charged 73. He is generally charged with popish indi-
te a papist, nations, and the story is commonly told and believed,
of a lady (still alive) p who, turning papist, and being
demanded of the archbishop the cause of her chang-
ing her religion, tartly returned, " My lord, it was
" because I ever hated a crowd ;n and being desired
to explain her meaning herein, " I perceived," said
she, " that your lordship and many others are making
•' for Rome as fast as ye can, and therefore, to pre-
P [The Dowager duchess of Buckingham ?]
CKNT. XVII.
of Britain.
897
" vent a press, I went before you." Be the tale true a.d. i64c.
or false, take papist for a Trent-papist, embracing all —
the divisions of that council, and surely this arch-
bishop would have been made fuel for the fire be-
fore ever of that persuasion. Witness his book
against Fisher, wherein he giveth no less account of
his sincerity than ability to defend the most domi-
native points wherein we and the papists dissent q.
q [The following anecdote
related by Dr. Heylin in The
Appeal* &c. part iii. p. 6a,
serves as an additional proof,
if proof indeed were needed,
of the groundlessness of this
charge which some of his
opponents have endeavoured
to fix upon him. *' It was
" in November, anno 1639,"
•ays Heylin, " that I received
" a message from the lord arch-
" bishop to attend him the
" next day at two of the clock
in the afternoon. The key
being turned which opened
the way into his study, I
" fonnd him sitting in a chair
** holding a paper in both
" hands, and his eyes so fixed
" upon that paper, that he ob-
" served me not at my coming
" in. Finding him in that pos-
" ture, I thought it (it and
" manners to retire again ; but
" the noise I made by my re-
" treat bringing him back unto
" himself, he recalled me again,
" and told me, after some short
pause, that he well remem-
bered having sent for me, but
" could not tell for his life
'* what it was about. After
" which he was pleased to say,
" not without tears standing in
" his eyes, that he had newly
" received a letter acquainting
«c
4«
•I
«
<<
«<
«•
" him with a revolt of a person
" of some quality in North
" Wales to the church of Rome;
" that he knew that the increase
" of popery by such frequent
" revolts would be imputed
" unto him and his brethren
" the bishops, who were all
" least guilty of the same ;
" that for his part he had done
" his utmost, so far forth as it
might consist with the rules
of prudence and the preser-
" vation of the church, to sup-
" press that party, and to bring
" the chief sticklers in it to
" condign punishment. To the
" truth whereof, lifting up his
" wet eyes to heaven, he took
" God to witness ; conjuring
" me, as I would answer it to
" God at the day of judgment,
•• that if ever I came to any of
" those places which he and
" his brethren, by reason of
" their great age, were not like
" to hold long, I would employ
*' all such abilities as God had
" given me in suppressing that
" party, who by their open un-
" dertakings and secret prac-
" tices were like to be the ruin
" of this flourishing church.
" After some words of mine
" upon that occasion, I found
" some argument to divert him
" from those sad remembrances,
898
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1645. 74. However most apparent it is by several pas-
sages in his life, that he endeavoured to take up
vounnga" many controversies betwixt us and the church of
•••
JSJnl^xt Rome, so to compromise the difference and to bring us
eJJJE^ t° a vicinity, if not contiguity therewith, an impos-
sible design (if granted lawfully), as some every way
his equals did adjudge. For composition is impos-
sible with such who will not agree except all they
sue for, and all the charges of their suit, be to the
utmost farthing awarded unto them. Our reconci-
liation with Rome is clogged with the same impossi-
bilities ; she may be gone to, but will never be met
with, such her pride or as peevishness, not to stir
a step to obviate any of a different religion. Rome
will never so far unpope itself as to part with her
pretended supremacy and infallibility, which cuts off
all possibility of protestants' treaty with her, if pos-
sibly without prejudice to God's glory and the truth,
other controversies might be composed ; which done,
England would have been an island, as well in reli-
gion as situation, cut off from the continent of foreign
protestant churches, in a singular posture by itself,
hard to be imagined, but harder to be effected.
75. Amongst his human frailties, choler and pas-
Overievere
inhUcen-
" and having brought him to
" some reasonable composed-
" ness, I took leave for the
" present ; and some two or
€* three days after waiting on
" him again, he then told me
" the reason of his sending for
" me the time before. And
** this I deliver for a truth on
" the faith of a Christian,
" which I hope will overbalance
" any evidence which hath
41 been brought to prove such
" ' popish inclinations ' as he
" stands generally charged with
" in our author s history." —
To this Fuller answers, " I
" verily believe all and every
** one of these passages to be
'• true, and therefore may pro-
ceed." His recovery of Hales
and Chilli ngworth is familiar
to all readers of ecclesiastical
history, and needs not to be
here detailed.]
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
299
sion most discovered itself. In the Star Chamber a. d. 1645.
21 Chat. 1.
(where, if the crime not extraordinary, it was fine
enough for one to be sued in so chargeable a court)
he was observed always to concur with the severest
side r, and to infuse more vinegar than oil into all
his censures, and also was much blamed for his
r [This is certainly not true ;
the proceedings in the Star-
chamber, whenever they as-
sumed a character of severity,
were attributed to the arch-
bishop, although he was but
one ecclesiastic among several
laymen, and by no means the
most forward in passing a harsh
and hasty sentence upon those
who were brought before him.
There is a pamphlet entitled
"An exact copy of a Letter
41 sent to William Laud, late
" Archbishop of Canterbury,
" now Prisoner in the Tower,
" Nov. 5, 164 1 ; at which his
" lordship taking exceptions,
41 the author visited him in his
" own person, and having ad-
" mittance to him had some
" private discourse with him
" concerning the cruelty in
" which he formerly reigned
M in his power ; the substance
" whereof is truly composed
" by the author himself, &c."
410.1641. In this pamphlet,
the writer, who was no friend
to the archbishop, thus ad-
dresses him : '• My lord," quoth
he, '* I have been both an eye
" and an ear- witness at the
high commission court, when
" men truly fearing God" have
" been called to the bar, and
" your lordship hath com.
" manded to give them the
" bath, which when they have
" refused you have committed
•« them to" prison." •• No,"
quoth my lord ; " it is well
" known I have shewn great
•' favour and clemency to those
" obstinate men, in that I have
" sometime forborne them a
" twelvemonth together, and
" have in the meantime refer-
" red them to godly and learn-
" ed doctors and ministers for
" satisfaction in that point ;
" and when they out of wil-
" fulness and obstinacy would
*' not be satisfied, I could
" do no less by the order
" of the court than commit
" them to prison." The jus-
tice and correctness of this
statement, the writer of the
pamphlet, and the archbishop's
accuser, does not deny. And
again, the author of the pam-
phlet called " The True Cha-
racter of an Untrue Bi-
shop," says, "He observ-
eth the scripture in the spirit
of it, useth his greatest ad-
versaries with most meek,
ness ; I mean of the separa-
" tion of the nonconformists ;
'• concluding that diversity of
•• opinion will beget their ruin
" and establish him in his sta-
" tion." p. 5.]
«<
<«
<«
<<
<<
«
* That is, the Puritans, the name they arrogated to themselves.
300 The Church History book xl
a.d. 1645. severity to his predecessor, easing him, against his
1 will and before his time, of his jurisdiction •.
Orermed- 76. But he is most accused for over meddlinir
dlnigiii
ttMte mat. in state matters ; more than was fitting, say many ;
than needful, say most, for one of his profession.
But he never more overshot himself than when he
did impose the Scotch Liturgy, and was aWorpto-
apxicTTio-KOTros over a free and foreign church and
nation. At home many grumbled at him for oft
making the shallowest pretence of the crown deep
enough (by his powerfiil digging therein) to drown
the undoubted right of any private patron to a
church living. But courtiers most complained that
be persecuted them, not in their proper places, but
what in an ordinary way he should have taken from
the hands of inferior officers, that he with a long
and strong arm reached to himself over all their
heads. Yet others plead for him that he abridged
their bribes, not fees, and it vexed them that he
struck their fingers with the dead palsy, so that they
could not, as formerly, have a feeling for church
preferments.
Sp*****- 77. He was conscientious according to the prin-
keepinga ciples of his devotion ; witness his care in keeping a
a<7, constant diary of the passages in his life. Now he
can hardly be an ill husband who casteth up his
receipts and expenses every night ; and such a soul
is, or would be good, which enters into a daily scru-
tiny of its own actions. But such who commend
him in making, condemn him in keeping such a
diary about him in so dangerous days: especially
he ought to untongue it from talking to his preju-
8 [Both these statements may be disproved by the clearest
evidence.]
ckht. xvii. of Britain. 801
dice, and should have garbled some light, trivial, a. d. 1645.
and joculary passages out of the same; whereas, '
sure the omission hereof argued not his carelessness
but confidence, that such his privacies should meet
with that favour of course which in equity is due to
writings of that nature.
78. He was temperate in his diet, and (which may Temperate
be presumed the effect thereof) chaste in his conver-
sation; indeed, in his diary, he confessed himself
lapsed into some special sin with £. B. for which
he kept an anniversary humiliation. Indeed, his
adversary* makes this note thereon, " perchance he
u was unclean with E. B.," which is but an uncharit-
able suspicion12. Now an exact diary is a window
in his heart who maketh it, and therefore pity it
is any should look therein, but either the friends
of the party, or such ingenuous foes as will not (espe-
cially in things doubtful) make conjectural com-
ments to his disgrace. But be £. B. male or female,
and the sin committed, of what kind soever, his fault
whispers not so much to his shame as his solemn re-
pentance sounds to his commendation.
79. He was very plain in apparel, and sharply An enemy
to giilutfitry
checked such clergymen whom he saw go in rich or in clergy.
gaudy clothes, commonly calling them of the church clothe*.
triumphant. Thus, as cardinal Wolsey is reported
the first prelate who made silks and satins fashionable
amongst clergymen, so this archbishop first retrench-
ed the usual wearing thereof. Once at a visitation
* Mr. Prynne in the breviate the diary. See Laud's Diary,
of the archbishop's life, p. 30. p. 12, May 28, and elsewhere.
u [Not only a most uncha- Our author had shewn him-
ritabie but execrable falsehood, self much wiser had he omitted
as Prynne might have known the record of such diabolical
by reference to other parts of malevolence.]
80S
Tlie Church History
BOOK XL
A. u. 1645. in Essex, one in orders (of good estate and extrac-
-tion) appeared before him very gallant in habit,
whom Dr. Laud (then bishop of London) publicly
reproved, shewing to him the plainness of his own
apparel : " My lord," said the minister, " you have
" better clothes at home, and I have worse ; " whereat
the bishop rested very well contented x.
Not partial 80. He was not partial in preferring his kindred,
dud" m except some merit met in them with his alliance.
I knew a near kinsman of his in the university,
scholar enough, but somewhat wild and lazy, on
whom it was late before he reflected with favour,
and that not before his amendment. And generally
persons promoted by him were men of learning and
abilities, though many of them Arminians in their
judgments, and I believe they will not be offended
with my reporting it> seeing most of them will
endeavour to justify and avouch their opinions
herein.
?rta?itad" ***' Covetousness he perfectly hated; being a
vetousneu. single man, and having no project to raise a name
or family, he was the better enabled for public per-
formances, having both a price in his hand, and an
heart also to dispose thereof for the general good.
St. John's in Oxford, wherein he was bred, was so
beautified, enlarged, and enriched by him, that
x [Laud's plainness of appa-
rel exposed him to the railing
of the Puritans: thus one of
that class says of him : " He
" is half a precisian in the out-
" ward man: he loveth little
" bands, short hair, grave looks;
but had rather be slain at
Tyburn than preach in a
" cloak, (the badge of the Puri-
*i
€t
" tans, see §. 3, above,) though
" Paul sent for his on some
" such occasion from Troas."
" True Character of an Untrue
" Bishop." Lond. 1641, p. 6.
Though often on other occa-
sions they brought the very
opposite charge against the bi-
shops : but wisdom is justified
of her children.^
cent. xvn. of Britain. 808
strangers at the first sight knew it not, yea, itA*5j^45*
scarce knoweth itself, so altered to the better from
its former condition; insomuch that almost it de-
serveth the name of Canterbury College, as well
as that which Simon Islip founded, and since hath
lost its name, united to Christ Church. More build
ings he intended, (had not the stroke of one axe
hindered the working of many hammers,) chiefly
on churches, whereof the following passage may not
impertinently be inserted.
82. It happened that a visitation was kept at The gnn&
causer of
St. Peter's in Cornhill, for the clergy of London, the repair-
The preacher discoursing of the painfulness of the lurches,
ministerial function, proved it from the Greek de-
duction of Siclkovos, or deacon, so called from kovis,
dust, because he must laborare in arena in pulvere,
" work in the dust," do hard service in hot wea-
ther. Sermon ended, bishop Laud proceeded to
his charge to the clergy, and observing the church
ill repaired without, and slovenly kept within, "I
" am sorry," said he, " to meet here with so true an
etymology of diaconm, for here is both dust and
dirt too for a deacon (or priest either) to work in ;
yea, it is dust of the worst kind, caused from the
" ruins of this ancient house of God, so that it
" pitieth His servants to see her in the dusty."
Hence he took occasion to press the repairing of
that and other decayed places of divine worship,
so that from this day we may date the general
mending, beautifying, and adorning of all English
churches ; some to decency, some to magnificence,
and some (if all complaints were true) to super-
stition.
y Psalm cii. 1 4.
304 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1645. 83. But the church of St. Paul's (the only cathe-
91 Chat. I.
— — — Idral in Christendom dedicated to that apostle) was
of attars, the masterpiece of his performances. We know
what one* satirically said of him, " that he plucked
" down Puritans and property to build up Paul's
" and prerogative." But let unpartial judges be-
hold how he left and remember how he found that
ruinous fabric, and they must conclude that (though
intending more) he effected much in that great
design. He communicated his project to some pri-
vate persons, of taking down the great tower in the
middle to the spurs, and rebuild it in the same
fashion (but some yards higher) as before. He
meant to hang as great and tuneable a ring of bells
as any in the world, whose sound, advantaged with
their height and vicinity of the Thames, must needs
be loud and melodious. But now he is turned to
his dust* and all his thoughts have perished ; yea,
that church, formerly approached with due reve-
rence, is now entered with just fear of falling on
those under it, and is so far from having its old
decays repaired, that it is daily decayed in its new
reparations.
Hii penon- g4. He was low of stature, little in bulk, cheerful
al charac-
ter, in countenance, (wherein gravity and quickness were
well compounded,) of a sharp and piercing eye, clear
judgment, and (abating the influence of age) firm
memory. He wore his hair very close, and though
in the beginning of his greatness many measured
the length of men's strictness by the shortness of
their hair, yet some will say, that since, out of
antipathy to conform to his example, his opposites
have therein indulged more liberty to themselves.
* Lord F. [Ficnnes?]
C1KT. XVII.
of Britain.
305
And thus we take our leave of him, whose estate A P:,6\5'
2 1 Chas. I.
(neither so great as to be envied at, nor so small
as to be complained of,) he left to his heir and
aster's son, Mr. John Robinson, merchant, of Lon-
don, though fain first to compound with the par-
liament before he could peaceably enjoy the same*.
85. The same year with this archbishop died The birth
* * and breed-
auother divine, (though of a different judgment,) no \ng of Mr.
less esteemed amongst men of his own persuasion,
viz. Mr. John Dod, who (in the midst of troublous
times) quietly withdrew himself to heaven. He was
born at Shotledge in Cheshire, the youngest of
* [See the last will and
testament of the archbishop, in
Wharton's History &c. p. 457.
To this person Heylin dedi-
cated his Life of Archbishop
Land; but there he is styled
ah* John Robinson, knt. and
bait., lieutenant of the Tower
of London. Laud's relation-
ship, which was only by half
blood, with the Robinsons, will
be more clearly seen in Heylin's
Life of Laud, p. 46.
The archbishop's personal
appearance is thus described by
Dr. Heylin, who knew him well.
" Of stature he was low, but
" of strong composition : so
" short a trunk never contained
" so much excellent treasure ;
" which therefore was to be
K the stronger by reason of the
" wealth which was hid within
" it. His countenance, cheer-
" nil and well bloodied, more
" fleshy, as I have often heard
" him say, than any other part
" of his body ; which cheer-
" fulness and vivacity he car-
" ried with him to the very
FULLER, VOL. VI.
" block, notwithstanding the
" afflictions of four years' im-
" prisonment and the infelicity
" of the times. For at his first
" commitment he besought God
" (as is observed in the Bre-
" viate) to give him full pa-
" tience, proportionable com-
" fort, and contentment with
•' whatsoever he should send ;
" and he was heard in what he
€€ prayed for: for notwithstand-
" ing that he had fed long on
•• the bread of carefulness, and
" drank the water of afflic-
" tion, yet, as the scripture
" telleth us of the four Hebrew
" children, his countenance ap-
" peared fairer and fatter in
" flesh than any of those who
" eat their portion of the king's
" meat and drank of his wine.
" A gallant spirit being for the
" most part like the sun, which
" shews the greater at his set-
" ting." p. 542. The arch-
bishop's face, it was remarked
at his execution, was so ruddy
as to give rise to a suspicion of
his having painted it.]
806 The Church History book xi.
a. p. 1645. seventeen children; bred in Jesus College in Cam-
— ' ** bridge. At a disputation at one commencement
he was so facetiously solid, (wild, yet sweet fruits,
which the stock brought forth before grafted with
grace,) that Oxford men, there present, courted
him home with them, and would have planted him
in their university, save that he declined it.
One peace. 86. He was a passive Nonconformist, not loving
Und. °ur any one the worse for difference in judgment about
ceremonies, but all the better for their unity of
affections in grace and goodness. He used to re-
trench some hot spirits when inveighing against
bishops, telling them how God under that govern-
ment had given a marvellous increase to the gospel,
and that godly men might comfortably comport
therewith, under which learning and religion had
so manifest an improvement : he was a good deca-
logist, and is conceived to his dying day (how roughly
soever used by the opposite party) to stick to his
own judgment of what he had written on the fifth
commandment, of obedience to lawful authority,
improveth 87- Some riotous gentlemen casually coming to
10 pi y the table of sir Antony Cope in Han well, were half
starved in the midst of a feast, because refraining
from swearing (meat and drink to them) in the
presence of Mr. Dod ; of these one after dinner in-
geniously professed, that he thought it had been
impossible for himself to forbear oaths so long a
time ; hereat Mr. Dod (the flame of whose zeal
turned all accidents into fuel) fell into a pertinent
and seasonable discourse, (as more better at occa-
sional,) of what power men have more than they
know of themselves to refrain from sin, and how
active God's restraining grace would be in us to
cent. xvii. of Britain. 307
bridle us from wickedness, were we not wanting inA-*>-,645-
ourselves.
88. Being stricken in years, he used to compare Ym*k will
himself to Samson when his hair was cut off* •* I
" rise,'* saith he, " in a morning, as Samson did,
"and think, / will go out as at other timesb9 go,
" watch, walk, work, study, ride, as when a young
tt man ; but alas ! he quickly found an alteration,
" and so do I, who must stoop to age, which hath
* dipt my hair and taken my strength away."
89. Being at Holdenby, and invited by an ho- God seen at
nourable person to see that stately house built by hand in na-
sir Christopher Hatton, (the masterpiece of English thrJecond
architecture in that age,) he desired to be excused, ln Brt'
and to sit still looking on a flower which he had
m his hand. " In this flower," saith he, " I can see
* more of God than in all the beautiful buildings in
" the world." And at this day, as his flower is long
since withered, that magnificent pile, that fair flower
of art, is altogether blasted and destroyed.
90. It is reported he was but coarsely used ofAninno-
the cavaliers, who they say plundered him of hisceiver.
linen c and household stuff, though as some tell me,
if so disposed, he might have redeemed all for a
very small matter. However, the good man still
remembered his old maxim, " sanctified afflictions
"are good promotions;" and I have been credibly
informed, that when the soldiers brought down his
sheets out of the chamber into the room where
Mr. Dod sat by the fire-side, he (in their absence to
search after more) took one pair and clapt them under
his cushion whereon he sat, much pleasing himself,
after their departure, that he had, as he said, " plun-
b Judges xvi. ao. c In a list written by Mr. Clark.
x 2
808
The Church History of Britain. book xi.
Excellent
Hebrician.
a.d. 1645." dered the plunderers, and by a lawful felony saved
1 «• so much of his own to himself.**
91. He was an excellent scholar, and was as
causelessly accused, as another John of his name,
(Mr. John Fox I mean,) for lacking of Latin. He
was also an exquisite Hebrician, and with his society
and directions in one vacation taught that tongue
unto Mr. John Gregory, that rare linguist, and chap-
lain of Christ Church, who survived him but one
yeard, and now they both together praise God in
that language which glorified saints and angels use
in heaven6.
92. He was buried at Fauseley, in Northampton-
shire, with whom the old Puritan may seem to
expire, and in his grave to be interred. Humble*
meek, patient, hospitable, charitable as in his censures
of, so in his alms to others. Would I could truly
say but half so much of the next generation !
Farewell
oWPuri-
tan.
d Dying at Kidlington, Mar.
13, 1646, and was buried in
Christ Church, Oxford. [See
Wood' 8 Athen. ii. p. 100.]
c [See a Life of him in
Clark's " Lives of Thirty-two
" Eminent Divines," p. 168,
and in " Lloyd's Memoirs/' p.
129. The puritan leaven of
the former caused him to sup-
press, on this as on other occa-
sions, passages which he thought
unfavourable to the Noncon-
formists.]
1
TO THE EIGHT WORSHIPFUL
ROGER PRICE, Esq.
HIGH SHERIFF OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE*.
Seamen observe that the water is the more troubled the nearer
they draw on to the land, became broken by repercussion from
the shore. I am sensible of the same danger the nearer I
approach our times and the end of this history.
Yet fear not, Sir, that the least wrong may redound to you
by my indiscretion in the writing hereof, desiring you only to
patronise what is acceptable therein, and what shall appear
e is left on my account to answer for the same.
SOU may know, that amongst the mostA.D. 164s-
remarkables effected by the Assembly ■'
of divines, the compiling of the Di-toryd™^"
rectory was one, which although com-^2iU_
poped in the former year, yet because
not as yet meeting with universal obedience, it will
be seasonable enough now to enter on the consider-
ation thereof. The parliament, intending to abolish
the liturgy, and loath to leave the land altogether at '
a loss, or deformity in public service, employed the
• (Arms. Three Comish ingrnim shire, of the Littletons
choughs sable, beaked and in 1650. — Lyson's Bucks, p.
legged, gules. He purchased 660, and was succeeded in it
the manor of Weatbury, Buck- by his son of the same name.]
18
J
310
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d, 1645. Assembly in drawing up a model of divine worship5.
.. Herein no direct form of prayer verbis concepHs was
prescribed, no outward or bodily worship enjoined,
nor people required in the responsals (more than in
Amen) to bear a part in the service, but all was left
to the discretion of the minister, not enjoined what,
but directed to what purpose he ought to order his
devotions, in public prayer and administering sacra-
ments.
To which g. The dissenting brethren (commonly called in-
ingbre. dependents) were hardly persuaded to consent to
Ust anent. a Directory. Even libera custodia, though it be the
best of restraints, is but a restraint ; and they sus-
pected such a Directory would, if enforced, be an
infringing of the Christian liberty; however, they
consented at last, the rather because a preface was
prefixed before it, which did much moderate the
matter, and mitigate the rigorous imposition thereof.
wid^charit- ^' ^n ^8 preface respectful terms are, no less
able pre- discreetly than charitably, afforded to the first com-
pilers of the Liturgy, allowing them wise and pious
in redressing many things which were vain, erro-
neous, superstitious, and idolatrous ; affirming also,
that many godly and learned men of that age re-
b [All public use of the Li-
turgy seems to have been aban-
doned some time before the
Directory was drawn up. For
in a letter dated Feb. 18, 1644,
Baillie informs his correspond-
ent, " that they had so con-
" trived it with my lord Whar-
" ton, that the lords that day
" did petition the Assembly
" that they might have one of
" the divines to attend their
" house for a week, as it came
' about, to pray to God with
' them. Some days thereafter
' the lower house petitioned for
' the same. Both their desires
' were gladly granted ; for by
' this means the relics of the
' service-book, which till then
' was every day used in both
f houses, are at last banished.
' Paul's and Westminster are
' purged of their images, or-
' gans, and all which gave of-
• fence." Lett. 43.]
cent, xvii. of Britain. 811
joiced much in the Liturgy at that time set forth ; a. D.1645.
but adding withal, that they would rejoice more had ^J_
it been their happiness to behold this present refor-
mation ; they themselves were persuaded that these
first reformers, were they now alive, would join with
them in this work of advancing the Directory.
4. The Assembly-work of the Directory thus end- Tha Wre-
tory enfor-
ed, the lords and commons began therewith prefixing ced by or-
an ordinance thereunto, made much up of forms or parliament.
repeal, laying down the motives inclining them to
think the abolishing of the Common Prayer and
establishment of this Directory necessary for this
nation. First, the consideration of the many incon-
veniences risen by that book in this kingdom. Se-
condly, their covenant resolution to reform religion
according to God's word and the best reformed
churches. Thirdly, their consulting with the learned,
pious, and reverend divines for that purpose.
5. The benefit of printing the Directory was be- A g°«*
0 price if well
stowed on Mr. Rowborough and Mr. Byfield, scribes paid.
to the Assembly, who are said to have sold the same
for some hundreds of pounds. Surely the stationer
who bought it did not, with the dishonest chapman,
first decry the worth thereof and then boast of his
pennyworth0. If since he hath proved a loser there-
by, I am confident that they who sold it him carried
such a chancery in their bosoms as to make him fair
satisfaction.
6. Now because it was hard to turn people out of a second
their old track, and put them from a beaten path, to back the
(such was, call it constancy or obstinacy, love orformer'
doting, of the generality of the nation on the Com-
mon Prayer,) the parliament found it fit, yea, neces-
c Proverbs xx. 14.
x4
318 The Church History book w.
a. d. 16.15. sary, to back their former ordinance with a second,
1 dated twenty-third of August, 1645, and entitled,
" An ordinance of the lords and commons for the
" more effectual putting in execution the Directory,
" &c," wherein directions were not only given for
the dispersing and publishing of the " Directory in all
" parishes, chapelries, and donatives, but also for the
" calling in and suppressing of all books of Common
" Prayer, and several forfeitures and penalties to be
" levied and imposed upon conviction before justices
" of assize, or of oyer and terminer, &c."
The king's 7. But in opposition hereunto, the king at Oxford
tion contra, set forth a proclamation, bearing date the thirteenth
JLiia- of November, 1645, enjoining the use of "Common
djnanoT" " Prayer according to law, notwithstanding the pre*
" tended ordinances for the new Directory.* Thus
as the waves, commanded one way by the tide and
countermanded another with the wind, know not
which to obey ; so people stood amused betwixt these
two forms of service, line upon line, precept upon pre-
ceptd9 being the easiest way to edify; whilst line against
line, precept against precept, did much disturb and
distract.
Arguments 8. The king and parliament being thus at differ-
pro and con ox o
totheDi- ence, no wonder if the pens of the chaplains fol-
T9Ctory' lowed their patrons, and engaged violently pro and
con in the controversy. I presume it will be lawful
and safe for me to give in a breviate of the argu-
ments on both sides, reserving my private opinion
to myself, as not worthy the reader's taking notice
thereof ; for as it hath been permitted in the height
and heat of our civil war for trumpeters and mes-
sengers to have fair and free passage on both sides,
d Isaiah xxviii. 10.
ENT. XVII.
of Britain.
818
pleading the privilege of the' public faith, provided a. d. 1645-
they do not interest themselves like parties, and as —
spies forfeit the protection, so subjecting themselves
justly to the severest punishment : so historians in
like manner in all ages have been permitted to
transmit to posterity an unpartial account of actions,
preserving themselves neuters in their indifferent
relations.
Against the Liturgy.
1. Sad experience hath
made it manifest that the
Liturgy used in England
(notwithstanding the reli-
gious intentions of the com-
pilers thereof) hath proved
an offence to many godly
people.
%. Offence thereby hath
also been given to the re-
formed churches abroad.
3. Mr. Calvin himself dis-
liked the Liturgy in his let-
ter to the lord protector, cha-
ritably calling many things
therein tolerabtles ineptias.
4. The Liturgy is no bet-
ter than confining of the Spi-
rit, tying it to such and such
For the Liturgy.
i. Such offence (if any)
was taken, not given, and
they must be irreligious mis-
takes which stand in oppo-
sition to such religious in-
tentions.
2. No foreign church ever
in print expressed any such
offence, and if some particu-
lar man have disliked it, as
many and as eminent have
manifested their approbation
thereof.
3. Mr. Calvin is but one
man : besides, he spake a-
gainst the first draught of
the Liturgy, anno 1 . of king
Edward the Sixth, which
afterwards was reviewed in
that king's reign, and again
in the first of queen Eliza-
beth.
4. The same charge lieth
against the Directory, ap-
pointing though not the words
814
The Church History
BOOK XI.
A. D. 1645. words, which is to be left
ai ChM.1. a|one to jte own liberty ; use
praying and have praying;
the extemporary gift is im-
proved by the practice thereof.
5. It being a compliant
with the papists, in a great
part of their service, doth
not a little confirm them in
their superstition and idola-
try.
6. It is found by experi-
ence that the Liturgy hath
been a great means to make
an idle and an unedifying
ministry.
7. It is tedious to the
people, with the unnecessary
length taking up an hour at
least in the large and distinct
reading thereof.
to be prayed with, the mat-
ter to be prayed for. Poor
liberty to leave the Spirit
only to supply the place of a
vocabulary or a copia verba-
rum. And seeing sense is
more considerable than lan-
guage, she prescribing there-
of restraineth the Spirit as
much as appointing the words
of a prayer.
5. It complieth with the
papists in what they have re-
tained of antiquity, and not
what they have superadded
of idolatry, and therefore
more probably may be a
means of converting them to
our religion, when they per-
ceive us not possessed with a
spirit of opposition unto them
in such things wherein they
close with the primitive times.
6. The users of the Litur-
gy have also laboured in
preaching, catechising, and
study of divine learning.
Nor doth the Directory se-
cure any from laziness, see-
ing nothing but lungs and
sides may be used in the de-
livery of any extempore
prayer.
7. Some observers of the
Directory, to procure to their
parts and persons the repute
of ability and piety, have
spent as much time in their
extemporary devotions.
CSNT. XVII.
of Britain.
815
8. Many ceremonies, not
only unprofitable but bur-
thensouie, are therein im-
posed on people's consciences.
9. Divers able and faith-
ful ministers have, by the
means of the Liturgy, been
debarred the exercise of their
ministry, and spoiled of their
livelihood, to the undoing of
them and their family.
8. This is disproved by A. D. 1645.
uChas.1.
such who have written vo-
lumes in the vindication
thereof. But grant it true,
not a total absolution, but a
reformation thereof may
hence be inferred.
9. The Directory, if en-
forced to subject the refusers
to penalties, may spoil as
many and as well-deserving
of their ministry and liveli-
hood.
conscience
Such as desire to read deeper in this controversy
may have their recourse to the manifold tractates
written on this subject.
9. But leaving these disquiets the Common Prayer a query for
daily decreased, and Directory by the power of par- sake.
liament was advanced. Here some would fain be
satisfied, whether the abolishing of the main body
of the Common Prayer extendeth to the prohibition
of every expression therein, (I mean not such which
are the numerical words of scripture, whereof no
question,) but other ancient passages, which in the
primitive times were laudably (not to say necessarily)
put in practice.
10. I know a minister who was accused for using a word in
the gloria Patri, (conforming his practice to the
Directory in all things else,) and threatened to be
brought before the committee. He pleaded the
words of Mr. Cartwright in his defence6, confessing
the gloria Patri founded on just cause, that men
dne
e His Reply against Whitgift, p. 107, sect. iv.
316 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1645. might make their open profession in the church of
the divinity of the Son of God, against the detest-
able opinion of Arms and his disciples. " But now,"
saith he, " that it hath pleased the Lord to quench
that fire, there is no such cause why those things
should be used." " But seeing" (said the minister)
" it hath pleased God for our sins to condemn us to
live in so licentious an age, wherein the divinity
both of Christ and the Holy Ghost is called fre-
quently and publicly into question, the same now
(by Mr. Cartwright's judgment) may lawfully be
used, not to say can [not] well be omitted." I re-
member not that he heard any more of the matter.
A farewell \\9 it is now high time to take our farewell of
to the sub- °
ject. this tedious subject, and leave the issue thereof to
the observation of posterity. The best demonstra-
tion to prove whether Daniel and his fellows (the
children of the captivity) should thrive better by
plain pulse, (to which formerly they had been used,)
or the new diet of diverse and dainty dishes, was
even to put it to the trial of some daysf experiment,
and then a survey taken of their complexions whe-
ther they be impaired or not ; so when the Directory
hath been practised in England ninety years, (the
world lasting so long,) as the Liturgy hath been,
then posterity will be the competent judge, whether
the face of religion had the more lively healthful
and cheerful looks under the one or under the other.
Arehbithop 12. The next news engrossing the talk of all
strangely tongues was about Dr. Williams, archbishop of York,
no less suddenly than strangely metamorphosed from
a zealous royalist into an active parliamentarian:
being to relate the occasion thereof, we will enter
f Dan. i. 13.
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
817
on the brief history of his life, from the cradle to ad. 1645.
the grave, repeating nothing formerly written, but 1
only adding thereunto.
13. None can question the gentility of his extrac- Bom in
tion, finding him born at Aberconway, in Carnarvon- good pa-
shire, in Wales, of a family rather ancient than rich. rentage#
His grandfather had a good estate, but aliened, it
seems, by his heirs, so that this doctor, when lord
keeper, was fain to repurchase it. Surely it was of
a considerable value, because he complaineth in his
letter* to the duke, (who encouraged him to the
purchase,) that he was forced to borrow money, and
stood indebted for the same.
14. He was bred in St. John's college, in Cam- Bred in
St TnHnV.
bridge, to hold the scales even with St. John's in and proctor
Oxford, wherein archbishop Laud had his education ; ^idge. "
Dr. Gwin was his tutor, his chiefest, if not his only,
eminency, and afterwards the occasion of his prefer-
ment11 ; for as his tutor made his pupil fellow, this
pupil made the tutor master of the college. Next
was Mr. Williams made proctor of the university,
excellently performing his acts for the place in so
stately a posture, as rather but of duty, thereby to
honour his mother university than desire to credit
himself, as taking it only in his passage to an higher
employment.
15. He was chaplain (or counsellor shall I say) to
% Cabala, p. 267.
h [Dr. Gwin was of the same
country as Williams ; his com-
petitors for the headship were
Morton, afterwards bishop of
Durham, an able writer against
the Romanists ; Merriton, and
Valentine Carey ; the follow-
ing ridiculous hexameters were
composed on this occasion —
Twice two brave worthies of St*
John's stood to be masters ;
Morton came with a pen and Merriton
he with his action ;
Val. Carey came with a cringe, but
Gwin hur came with faction.
Hey lin's Advertisements of the
Reign of K. James, p. 23.]
318 The Church History book xt.
a.d. 1645. Thomas Egerton, lord chancellor, who imparted many
*1 " mysteries of that place unto him. Here an able
Egerton hi* teacher of state met with as apt a scholar, the one
JjJdJj^not more free in pouring forth, than the other cap*-
Uin- ble to receive, firm to retain, and active to improte
what was infused into him. So dear was this doctor
to his patron, that this lord dying, on his death-bed
desired him to choose what most acceptable legacy
he should bequeath unto him; Dr. Williams, waving
and slighting all money, requested four books, being
the collections of the lord his industry, learning, and
experience, concerning 1. The Prerogative Royal.
2. Privileges of Parliament. 3. The Proceedings
in Chancery. 4. The Power of the Star-chamber.
These were no sooner asked than granted ; and the
doctor afterwards copied out these four books into
his own brains ; books which were the four elements
of our English state, and he made an absolute
master of all the materials, that is, of all the pas-
sages therein, seeing nothing superfluous was therein
recorded.
Themeana 16. By the duke of Buckingham (whom he had
dyandgreat married to the daughter of the earl of Rutland) he
p crment- ppg^Q^ these books to king James. Then did
his majesty first take notice of his extraordinary
abilities, soon after preferring him, by the duke's
mediation, to the deanery of Westminster, bishop of
Lincoln, and keeper's place of the great seal, till he
lost the last in the first of king Charles, as hath for-
merly been related.
Theongi- 17. I dare confidently avouch what I knowingly
betwixt the speak, that the following passage was the motns
i^YewT.VT*mo Primus of the breach betwixt him and the
duke. There was one Dr. Theodore Price, a Welch-
CBKT. XVIV
of Britain*
819
man, highly beloved hoth hy bishop Williams andA-1*-1^
bishop Laud, so that therein the rule did not hold, —
those that agree in one third agree among them-
selves ; these two prelates mutually mortal enemies
meeting in the love of this doctor. Now the arch-
bishopric of Armagh in Ireland falling vacant, bi-
shop Williams moved the duke for Dr. Price his
countryman ; to whom the duke answered, that king
James had by promise foredisposed the place on the
bishop of Meath, Dr. James Usher, one whose de-
serts were sufficiently known. Not satisfied here-
with, bishop Williams by his own interest endea-
voured to bring Dr. Price into the place. The duke
understanding that he, who formerly professed a
subordination to, at the least a concurrence with,
his desires, should now offer to contest with him,
resolved, that seeing the lord keeper would not own
himself to stand by his love, the world should see
he should fall by his anger ; and this ministered the
first occasion to his ruin. And when once the
alarum was sounded of the duke's displeasure, no
courtiers so deaf and drowsy but did take the same ;
and all things concurred to his disadvantage. This
is that Dr. Theodore Price who afterwards died a pro-
fessed catholic, reconciled to the church of Rome2.
> [Upon this passage bishop
Hacket makes the following
observations. After alluding
to the exertions of bishop Wil-
liams in getting some worthy
person promoted to the deanery
of York, and his opposition to
the duke of Buckingham, who
would have thrust in Dr. Scot,
he observes : " certainly with
" others this might work to his
" esteem but nothing to his
" prejudice. And I dare con-
" ndently avouch, what I know-
" ingly speak, (that I may use
" the words of my industrious
"friend, Mr. T. F., in his
•« Church History,) that the
" solicitation for Dr. Theo-
" dore Price, about two months
" after, was not the first mo.
" tive of a breach between
" the keeper and the duke,
" (the daylight clears that with-
820
The Church History
tfOOK XI.
a. d. 1645. 18. Yet after his resigning the seal, fair prefer-
' '- ment was left unto him, could he have confined his
Not con-
tented with
his own
with.
u
•<
" out dusky conjectures,) no,
" nor any process to more un-
" kindness than was before,
" which was indeed grown too
" high. The case is quickly
•• unfolded. Dr. Price was
countryman, kinsman, and
great acquaintance of the
" lord keeper's ; by whose pro-
" curement he was sent a com-
" missioner into Ireland, two
u years before, with Mr. jus-
" tice Jones, sir T. Crew, sir
" James Perrot, and others, to
" rectify grievances in church
" and civil state that were com-
" plained of. In executing
" which commission he came
" off with praise and with en-
" couragement from his ma-
" jesty, that he should not fail
" of recompense for his well-
" doing. Much about the time
" that the prince returned out
•' of Spain the bishopric of
" Asaph fell void ; the county
'• of Merioneth, where Dr.
" Price was born, being in the
" diocese, the lord keeper at-
" tempted to get that bishopric
•' for Dr. Price; but the prince,
since the time that by his pa-
tent he was styled prince of
" Wales, had claimed the bi-
shoprics of that principality
for his own chaplains; so
M Dr. Melbourne and Dr. Carle-
" ton were preferred to St.
" David's and Landaff, and
Asaph was now conferred
upon Dr. Hanmer, his high-
'• ness' chaplain, that well de-
" served it. A little before
•• K. James' death, Dr. Hamp-
" ton, primate of Armagh, as
ti
»«
«•
a
*t
it
" stout a prelate and as good a
" governor as the see had ever
" enjoyed, died in a good old
" age ; whereupon the keeper
" interposed for Dr. Price to
" succeed him. But the emi.
" nent learning of Dr. Usher
" (for who could match him, all
" in all, in Europe ?) carried it
94 from his rival. Dr. Price was
" very rational, and a divine
" among those of the first rate,
" according to the small skill
" of my perceivance ; and his
" hearers did testify as much
" that were present at his Latin
" sermon and his lectures pro
" gradu in Oxford. But be-
" cause he had never preached
" so much as one sermon be-
" fore the king, and had left to
" do his calling in the pulpit
u for many years, it would not
" be admitted that he should
" ascend to the primacy of
" Armagh ; no, nor so much
•r as succeed Dr. Usher in the
" bishopric of Meath. To
" which objection his kinsman
" that stickled for his prefer-
ment could give no good an-
swer ; and drew off with so
much ease upon it, that the
" reverend Dr. Usher had no
" cause to regret at the lord
" keeper for an adversary ;
" neither did Dr. Price ever
" shew him love after that day;
" and the church of England
" then or sooner lost the doc-
" tor's heart."— Life of Wil-
liams, p. 207.
As for Dr. Price's change to
popery, this seems to be denied
both by Heylin and Wood.
ti
it
a
CENT* XVII.
of Britain.
321
large heart thereunto. I meet with a passage in a. d. 1645.
a letter k from this lord keeper to the duke, wherein 2 ' chM* l\
he professeth, calling God to witness, that the lord
keeper (troubled with many miseries wherewith sud-
den greatness is accompanied) envied the fortunes
of one Dr. Williams, late dean of Westminster : be
this a truth or a compliment, what he formerly
envied now he enjoyed, returned to a plentiful pri-
vacy, not only of the deanery of Westminster, but
bishopric of Lincoln, which he held with the same.
But alas, when our desires are forced on us by our
foes, they do not delight but afflict. The same step
is not the same step when we take it ascendendo
in hopes to higher preferment, and when we light
upon it descendendo, or are remitted unto it as fall-
ing from higher advancement. The bishop is im-
patient for being less than he had been, and there
wanted not those secret enemies to improve his
discontents to his disgrace, almost destruction, as
fining in the Star-chamber, and long imprisoning
in the Tower.
19. Now came that parliament so much wished Enlaced
out of the
for, that many feared it would never begin, and Tower and
afterwards (oh the mutability of desires, or change w8hop of
of things desired,) the same feared it would never
have an end. Then is bishop Williams sent for out
of the Tower, brought to parliament, advanced to
The former accuses Williams
of being the author of this re-
port, which, according to him,
had no other foundation than
Williams' hostility to Price,
their former friendship having
been converted into mutual
dislike. See Exam. Hist. p. 74.
In this he is followed by Wood.
FULLER, VOL. VI.
See Fast. i. p. 198. Prynne
also accuses Price of being a
papist, and asserts that at his
death he received extreme unc-
tion from a popish priest. Trial
of Laud, P. 355.]
k Cabala, or Scrinia Sacra,
parti, p. 59. [260. ed. 1691.]
u
u
u
322 The Church History book zi.
a.d. 1645. the archbishopric of York, and is the antesignanus of
" the episcopal party, to defend it in the house of
lords (as best armed with his power and experience)
against a volley of affronts and oppositions.
HiipW- 20. Once when his majesty saw him earnest in
sant answer ,.„ i.. 1 11 1.
to the king, the defence of episcopacy then opposed by parlia-
ment ; " My lord," saith the king, " I commend you
" that you are no whit daunted with all disasters,
" but are zealous in defending your order." " Please
it your majesty," returned the archbishop, " I am
a true Welshman ; and they are observed never
to run away till their general do first forsake them;
no fear of my flinching, whilst your highness doth
" countenance our cause." But soon after he was
imprisoned about the bishops' protestation to the
parliament, and with great difficulty obtained his
liberty, as was afore observed.
Retires into 21. Retiring himself into North Wales, (where
Wales, and his birth, estate, alliance, but chiefly hospitality, did
JJreei into* ™ake him popular,) he had a great, but endeavoured
dii&rour. a greater, influence on those parts. It gave some
distaste, that in all consultations he would have his
advice pass for an oracle, not to be contested with,
much less controlled by any. But vast the differ-
ence betwixt his orders in chancery, armed with
power to enforce obedience, and his counsel here,
which many military men (as in their own element)
took the boldness to contradict: buff-coats often
rubbed and grated against this prelate's silk cassock,
which, because of the softer nature, was the sooner
fretted therewith1. Indeed, he endeavoured as much
1 [His advice, however, buff-coats who jostled against
though unpalatable, was fur him. He seems to have been
sounder than any given by the the only person who thoroughly
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
823
as might be to preserve his country from taxes, (an a. d. 1645.
acceptable and ingratiating design with the people,) — ■ — —
but sometimes inconsistent with the king's present
and pressing necessities. All his words and deeds
are represented at Oxford (where his court interest
did daily decline) to his disadvantage, and some
jealousies are raised of his cordialness to the royal
cause.
22. At last some great affronts were put upon Jj]^na^t
him, (increased with his tender resenting of them,) affronts.
being himself, as I have been informed, put out
of commission, and another placed in his room; a
disgrace so much the more insupportable to his high
spirit, because he conceived himself much meriting
of his majesty, by his loyalty, industry, ability, and
expense in his cause, who hitherto had spared nei-
ther care nor cost in advancing the same, even to
the impairing of his own estate.
23. But now he entereth on a design, which, hadTake8.a.
0 commission
I line and plummet, I want skill to manage them in from the
measuring the depth thereof. He sueth to the par-
liament for favour, and obtained it, whose general in
a manner he becomes in laying siege to the town
understood the real temper of
the times; as thoroughly un-
derstanding the weakness and
vacillation of the king's coun-
sel, the excessive selfishness and
dishonesty of the courtiers, as
he perceived the true strength
and power of the enemy. To
the time of his disgrace he was
the only sound adviser, almost
the only sincere one, which the
king possessed. But if he had
one fault greater than another it
consisted in this, that he was
too much of a politician ; more
fitted for the council-table than
for the bishop's chair ; and this
alone was sufficient to prejudice
him with the king. Some few
of his letters are preserved in
Carte's collection of original
papers, the best in the whole
volume, and as far distinguished
by sound good sense and dis-
cretion from the mass of corre-
spondence with which they are
surrounded, of nobles and ca-
valiers, as the experience of
manhood surpasses the levity
of childhood.]
Y 2
8£4 The Church History book m.
a.d. 1645. and castle of Aberconway, till he had reduced it
— to their service, and much of the town to his own
possession.
Condemned 24. And now Meruit sub parliamento in Wattia
ists. roya is the wonder of all men™. I confess he told his
kinsman, who related it to me, that if he might have
the convenience to speak with his majesty but one
half hour, (a small time for so great a task,) he
doubted not but to give him full satisfaction for his
behaviour. Sure it is, those of the royal party, and
his own order, which could not mine into his in-
visible motives, but surveyed only the sad surface of
his actions, condemn the same as irreconcilable
with the principles he professed. And though here-
by he escaped a composition for his estate in Gold-
smiths' Hall, yet his memory is still to compound
(and at what rate I know not) with many mouths,
before a good word can be afforded unto it ; but
these, perchance, have never read the well Latined
apology in his behalf. And although some will say
that they that need an apology come too near to
fault, the word, as commonly taken, sounding more
of excuse than defence, yet surely in its genuine
notation, it speaks not guilt but always greatness of
enemies and opposers.
Human in- 25. Of all English divines since the reformation,
constancy. ° '
he might make the most experimental sermon on
the Apostle's words, by honour and dishonour 9 by ill
report and good report, though the method not so
appliable as the matter unto him, who did not close
and conclude with the general good esteem, losing
m [Yet Hacket has, I think, Life of Williams, ii. p. a iS.]
cleared him of this imputation.
cent. xvii. of Britain. SftB
by his last compliance his old friends at Oxford, and A ^ 'H5'
m J r a i Chug. L
in lieu of them finding few new ones at London.
26. Envy itself cannot deny but that whithersoever Hi» act* of
he went he might be traced by the footsteps of his c "" y"
benefaction. Much he expended on the repair of
Westminster abbey church, and his answer is gene-
rally known, when pressed by bishop Laud to a
larger contribution to St. Paul's, " that he would not
" rob Peter to pay Paul." The library of Westmin-
ster was the effect of his bounty, and so was a chapel
in Lincoln College in Oxford, having no relation
thereunto, than as the namesake0 of his bishopric ;
so small an invitation will serve to call a coming
charity. At St. John's, in Cambridge, he founded
two fellowships, built a fair library, and furnished
it with books, intending more, had his bounty then
met with proportionable entertainment. But bene-
factors may give money, but not grateful minds to
such as receive it.
27. He was very chaste in his conversation, what- Purged
■ 111. , fromuojuit
soever a nameless author hath written on the con- aspersion.
trary; whom his confuter hath styled aulicus e
coguinaria, or, "the courtier out of the kitchen,"
and that deservedly for his unworthy writings, out
of what drippingpan soever he licked this his sluttish
intelligence. For most true it is, (as I am certainly
informed from such who knew the privacies and
casualties of his infancy,) this archbishop was but
one degree removed from a mysogynist, yet, to pal-
liate his infirmity, to noble females he was most
complete in his courtly addresses.
28. He hated popery with a perfect hatred ; and A perfect
though oft declaring freedom and favour to im-*11 p"pi
11 I believe he also was visitor thereof.
Y 8
896 The Church History book u.
a.d. 1645- prisoned papists, as a minister of state, in obedience
1 to his office ; yet he never procured them any cour-
tesies out of his proper inclinations. Yea, when
Dr. [Bishop,] the new bishop of Chalcedon, at the
end of king James his reign, first arrived in England,
he gave the duke of Buckingham advice0, (in case
other circumstances conveniently concurred,) that
the judges should presently proceed against him and
hang him out of the way, and the king cast the
blame on archbishop Abbot or himself, prepared it
seemeth, to undergo his royal displeasure therein.
Favour of gg# ^ot out 0f sympathy to nonconformists, but
tome non- J r j
conform- antipathy to bishop Laud, he was favourable to some
select persons of that opinion. Most sure it is, that
in his greatness he procured for Mr. Cotton, of Bos-
ton, a toleration under the broad seal for the free
exercise of his ministry, notwithstanding his dissent-
ing in ceremonies, so long as done without disturb-
ance to the church. But as for this bishop himself,
he was so great an honourer of the English Liturgy,
that of his own cost he caused the same to be trans-
lated into Spanish and fairly printed, to confute their
false conceit of our church p, who would not believe
that we used any book of common prayer amongst
us*.
Th*?hkC' 80. He was of a proper person, comely counte-
penon. nance, and amiable complexion, having a stately
garb and gait by nature, which (suppose him
prouder than he should be) made him mistaken
prouder than he was. His head was a well filled
treasury, and his tongue the fair key to unlock it.
0 Cabala, part i. 8 1[= 373. q [See Hacket's Life of
Hacket, i. 95.] Williams, i. 126.]
P Cabala, parti. 79[=a84.]
4«
cent, xvii. of Britain. 82?
He bad as great a memory as could be reconciled *•*>. '645.
, ** 21 Cha§. I.
with so good a judgment ; so quick his parts, that
his extempore performances equalized the premedi-
tations of others of his profession. He was very
open, and too free in discourse, disdaining to lie at a
close guard, so confident of the length and strength
of his weapon.
81. Thus take we our farewell of his memory, mssavoury
concluding it with one of his speeches, (as savoury IRpeec
believe as ever any he uttered,) wherein he expressed
himself to a grave minister coming to him for insti-
tution in a living, " I have," saith he, " passed
" thorough many places of honour and trust, both
" in church and state, more than any of my order in
England this seventy years before; but were I
but assured that by my preaching I had converted
u but one soul unto God, I should take therein
" more spiritual joy and comfort than in all the
" honours and offices which have been bestowed
44 upon me."
32. He died, as I take it, anno 1649% sure I am 0n our lady-
day.
r [He died the 25th of " as this blow was given, many
March, 1650; see the account ** conceived despairs and are
of his death in Hacket's Life " big with it yet, that the
of WiUiams, part ii. p. 227: 4< slavery under which the three
where, speaking of the effects " nations are fallen is irreco-
produced by the king's mur- " verable, till the last and ter-
der, strange to say, (though in " rible day of the Lord. In
this he is fully borne out by " which doleful sadness, lord
various testimonies,) the writer " primate Usher, I am witness
tells us, " that phrensies seized " of it, continued to his end.
•• on some, and sudden death " Dr. Floyd, a religious divine,
" on many. It pierced the u preaching a sermon at his fu-
•' archbishop's heart with so •' neral, (that is, of archbishop
" sharp a point, that sorrow " Williams,) extolled the most
" sent him down the hill with " reverend father s devotion ;
'* that violence, that he never " that from the heavy time of
•• stayed till he came to the " the king's death he rose every
" bottom and died. As soon •• midnight out of his bed,
Y 4
328
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a. d. 1645.011 the 25th of March, leaving a leading case, (not
— as yet decided in our law,) whether his half-year's
rents (due after sunrise) should go with his goods
and chattels unto his executor, or fall to his heir:
the best was, such the providence of the parties con-
cerned therein, that before it came to a suit, they
seasonably compounded it amongst themselves.
tt
it
• «
ti
It
ft
H
tt
tt
«<
tt
It
It
ti
i(
ti
it
it
«<
tt
ti
ti
it
a
it
tt
i€
it
ti
tt
it
tt
tt
a
tt
tt
and having nothing but his
shirt and waistcoat upon him,
kneeled on his bare knees
and prayed earnestly and
strongly one quarter of an
hour before lie went to rest
again. I will inform Dr.
Floyd in two things, which
he knew not. First, he ob-
served the season of midnight,
because the scriptures speak
of Christ's coming to judge
the quick and the dead at
midnight. Secondly, the
matter of his prayer was prin-
cipally this ; Come, Lord
Jesus, come quickly; and put
an end to these days of sin
and misery. So much I
learnt from himself, and so
report it. His days were
consumed in heaviness, as
his nights in mourning ; fa-
cetiousness, in which he
was singular, came no more
out of his lips; he ceased
from discourse, from com.
pany, as he could, and no-
thing could hale him out of
this obscurity. Two years
and almost two months he
consumed in a sequestered
and forlorn condition, scarce
any witness could tell what
he did all the while, but that
he prayed and sat at his book
all day, and much of the
tt
tt
" night. His death came from
a sudden catarrh, which caus-
ed a squinancy by the inflam-
" mat ion of the interior mus-
" cles, and a shortness of breath
' ' followed, wh ich dissolved him
" in the space of twelve hours.
" In which term the virtuous
" lady Mostyn, where he so-
" journed, spake to him of his
" preparation for heaven ; says
" he. Cousin, I am already
"prepared, and will be better
u prepared. So he called for
" the minister that was the
" nearest to read the Visitation
" of the sick, and twice over, to
" him, the greatest part where-
" of, especially the Psalms, he
" rehearsed distinctly himself,
" and received absolution. —
" When the pangs of death
" approached many other pray-
" ers were read, and short sen-
" tences of devotion repeated
" aloud in his ears ; and those
" words being often said : The
" Lord be merciful to thee; the
*' Lord receive thy soul : at
" that instant, first he closed
" his eyes with one hand, and
" then lifting up the other, his
" lips moved, and recommend?
" ing his spirit to his Redeem-
" er, he expired." He died on
his birthday.]
crniT. xvii. of Britain. 829
88. Come we now to present the reader with a a. d. 1645.
21 Oh an \»
list of the principal ordinances of the lords and — : — '—
commons which respected church matters. I say parliament
principal, otherwise to recite all (which wear the^JJ^8*
countenance of an ecclesiastical tendency, some of re]i«iaa-
them being mingled with civil affairs) would be
over voluminous. Yea, I have heard that a great
antiquary8 should say, that the orders and ordinances
of this parliament in bulk and number did not only
equal but exceed all the laws and statutes made
since the Conquest ; it will be sufficient, therefore,
to recite titles of those most material, going a little
backward in time, to make our history the more
entire.
Die Martis, August 19, 1645. — " Directions of
" the lords and commons (after advice had with the
" Assembly of divines) for the election and choosing
" of ruling elders in all the congregations, and in
" the classical assemblies for the city of London
a and Westminster, and the several counties of the
" kingdom ; for the speedy settling of the presby-
" terial government"
Die Lunae, Oct. 20, 1645. — " An ordinance of the
" lords and commons, together with rules and direc-
" tions, concerning suspension from the sacrament
u of the Lord's supper in cases of ignorance and
" scandal. Also the names of such ministers and
" others that are appointed triers and judges of the
* ability of elders in the twelve classes, with the
* province of London."
Die Sabbathi, March 14, 1645. — " An ordinance
" of the lords and commons for keeping of scandal-
8 Sir Symonds D'Ewes.
u
880 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1645. « ou8 persons from the sacrament of the Lord's
" supper, the enabling of the congregation for the
" choice of elders, and supplying of defects in
" former ordinances and directions of parliament
" concerning church government.
Die Veneris, June 5, 1646. — " An ordinance of
" the lords and commons for the present settling
" (without further delay) of the presbyterial govern-
" ment in the Church of England.''
Die Veneris, August 28, 1646. — " An ordinance
" of the lords and commons for the ordination of
** ministers by the classical presbyters within their
respective bounds, for the several congregations
in the kingdom of England."
Die Sabbathi, Jan. 29, 1647. — " An ordinance of
" the lords and commons for the speedy dividing
M and settling of the several counties of this king-
" dom into distinct classical presbyteries and congre-
" gational elderships."
An orda 34. Great now was the clamorous importunity of
part for mi- the wives and children of ministers sequestered,
^Hesand ready to starve for want of maintenance. I had
children. a|mosj. caiied them the widows and orphans of those
ministers, because, though their fathers were living
to them, their means were not living to their fathers,
and they left destitute of a livelihood. Indeed, there
was an ordinance of parliament made 1644, em-
powering their commissioners in the country to ap-
point means (not exceeding a fifth part) to the wives
and children of all sequestered persons ; but seeing
clergymen were not therein expressed by name, such
as enjoyed their sequestrations refused to contribute
any thing unto them. Whereupon the house of com-
mons, compassionately reflecting on the distresses of
«(
cent. xvii. of Britain. 381
the foresaid complainers, made an order in more a. d. 1645.
particular manner for the clergy, and (seeing it is — '• 1
hard to come by) I conceive it a charitable work
here to insert a copy thereof.
Die Jovis, Nov. 11, 1647. — " That the wives andTh°°°py
•* children of all such persons as are, or have been,
u or shall be, sequestered by order of either houses
" of parliament, shall be comprehended within the
ordinance that alloweth a fifth part for wives and
children, and shall have their fifth part allowed
*• unto them ; and the committee of lords and com-
u mons for sequestration, and the committee of
44 plundered ministers, and all other committees, are
u required to take notice hereof, and yield obedi-
" ence hereunto accordingly.
" H. Elsing,
" Clericus parliamenti domus communis."
35. But covetousness will wriggle itself out at Several
a small hole. Many were the evasions whereby soured to
such clergymen possessed of their livings do frus- thUoSer.
trate and defeat the effectual payment of the fifth
part to the aforesaid wives and children : some of
which starting-holes we will here present, not to
the intent that any should unjustly hide themselves
herein, but that for the future they may be stopped
up, as obstructing the true performance of the par-
liament's intended courtesy.
36. First, they plead that taxes being first de- Fim eva-
ducted, tithes are so badly paid, they cannot live
and maintain themselves if they must still pay a
fifth part out of the remainder. Such consider not,
if themselves cannot live on the whole grist, how
shall the families of such sequestered ministers sub-
sist on the tole.
sion.
332 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1645. 37. Secondly, if the foresaid minister hath a wife
— without children, or children without a wife, or but
■ion. one child, they deny payment, as not within the
letter, though the equity, of the order ; though one
child is as unable to live on nothing as if there were
many more.
Third e*a- 38. Thirdly, if the sequestered minister hath any
temporal means of his own, or since his sequestra-
tion hath acquired any place wherein he officiateth,
though short of a comfortable subsistence, they deny
payment of a fifth part unto him.
Fourth eva- 89. Fourthly, they affright the said sequestered
minister, threatening to new article against him for
his former faults ; whereas, had he not been reputed
a malignant, not a fifth part, but all the five parts
were due unto him.
Fifth era. 40. Fifthly, many who have livings in great
towns, especially vicarages, disclaim the receiving of
any benefits in the nature of tithes, and accept
them only in the notion of benevolence. Then they
plead nothing due to the sequestered minister out
of the free gratuities which only are bestowed upon
them.
s«th eva- 4j# Sixthly, they plead that nothing can be de-
manded by virtue of the said ordinance, longer
than the sitting of the said parliament which made
it, which long since is dissolved : now though this
be but a dilatory plea, (themselves enjoying the
four parts by virtue of the same order,) yet though
it doth not finally blast, it doth much set back the
fifth part9 and whilst the same groweth the ministers'
wives and children starve.
Seventh 4g# Lastly, of late, since the setting forth of
the proclamation, " that all who disquiet their peace-
cent. xvii. of Britain. 888
"able possession, who are put into livings by th^'Sj'H5,
parliament's order, should be beheld as enemies of
the state;" such sequestered ministers, who only
sue the refusers to pay the fifth part, unblamable in
all things else, are threatened (though they humbly
conceived contrary to the true intent of the procla-
mation) with the foresaid penalty if they desist not
in their suit. Many more are their subterfuges,
besides vexing their wives with the tedious attend-
ance to get orders on orders; so that as one truly
and sadly said, the fifths are even paid at sixes and
sevens,
43. I am sorry to see the pitiful and pious inten- Remember
* toe poor.
tions of the parliament so abused and deluded by
the indirect dealings of others, so that they cannot
attain their intended ends for the relief of so many
poor people, seeing no doubt therein they desired to
be like the Best of Beings, who as closely applieth His
lenitive as corrosive plasters, and that His mercy may
take as true effect as His justice. Sure if the present
authority (when at leisure from higher employment)
shall be pleased to take the groans of these poor
souls into its consideration, the voice of their hungry
bowels will quickly be turned to a more pleasant tune;
from barking for food to the blessing of those who
procured it. Nor let any censure this [as] a digress
from my history, for though my estate will not suffer
me, with Job, to be eyes to the blind and feet to the
lame1, I will endeavour what I can to be a tongue
for the dumb.
t Job xxix. 15.
SECT. XT
TO THE NOBLE
LADY ELEANOR ROE,
RELICT TO THE HONOURABLE SIR THOMAS ROE».
Madam,
I find that my namesake* <, Thomas Fuller, teas pilot in the
ship called the Desire, wherein captain Cavendish surrounded
the world.
Far be it from me to compare these my weak undertakings
to his great adventures. Yet I may term this my look the
Desire, as wherein I desire to please and profit all, justly
to displease none. Many rocks and storms have I passed,
by God's blessing, and now am glad of so firm an anchorage
as a dedication to your ladyship.
I believe, Madam, none of your sex in our nation hath tra-
velled farther than yourself; yet this section of our history
a [Daughter of sir Thomas
Cave, bart. of Stamford, North-
amptonshire ; first married to
sir George Beeston, of Cheshire.
Collins, ii. 176. Sir Thomas
Roe, son of Robert Roe, esq. of
Low Lay ton, Wan stead, Essex,
her second husband, was the
celebrated ambassador employ-
ed by king James and king
Charles in various negotiations
in Turkey, Denmark, Sweden,
and Germany. At his death
in 1 644, he bequeathed several
books to the Bodleian library ;
and his widow, lady Eleanor,
enriched it with a collection of
silver coins. See Wood's Ath.
"• 5 a. These are the armsof the
lady's family, (azure, fretty, ar-
gent,) for the arms of Rowe,
or Roe, as^given^in the scarce
portrait prefixed to his Nego-
tiations, are the same as those
given by Morant; a chevron
with /three plates, or bezants,
between three trefoils, two and
one. Hist, of Essex, i. p. 35.
Of his lady, (who was related
to the loyal Mrs. Cave, so well
known for her services to
Charles I.) sir Thomas says, in
one of his letters to secretary
Calvert, " that shee was yet
•' never sick, dismayed, nor
" afraid at sea," p. 39.]
b Hackluit's voyages, partiii.
p. 825.
test. xvii. The Church History of Britain. 885
may afford you a rarity not teen before. I know you liaveA.D. 1648.
mowed the tomb of S. Polycarptu, but here the hearts it pre- >*Cbm-L
nented unto you of one ichote death cannot be paralleled in ail
particulars.
ATELY certain delegates from theO^"«J»'.
university of Oxford pleaded their pri-the™ion
vileges before the committee of parlia-
ment, that they were only visitable by
the king, and such who should be de-
puted by him. But their allegations were not of
proof against the paramount power of parliament,
the rather because a passage in an article at the
rendition of Oxford was urged against them, where-
in they were subjected to such a visitation. Where-
upon many masters were ejected their places, new
heads of houses made, and soon after new houses to
those heads, which produced great alteration.
2. Come we now to the church part of the treaty der^men
in the Isle of Wight, as the sole ecclesiastical matter the ui» or
remaining : here appeared of the divines chosen by
the king, James Usher, archbishop of Armagh ;
Brian Duppa, bishop of Salisbury ; doctor Sander-
son, doctor Sheldon, doctor Henry Feme: as for
doctor Brownrigg, bishop of Exeter, (when on the
way) be was remanded by the parliament because
under restraint, and it was reported that Dr. Pri-
deaux, bishop of Worcester, wanted (the more the
pity.) wherewith to accommodate himself for the
journey. Mr. Stephen Marshall, Mr. Joseph Caryl),
Mr. Richard Vines, and Mr. Lazarus Seaman, were
present there by appointment from the parliament0.
3. It was not permitted for either side personally*''"
to speak, but partly to prevent the impertinenciesw
e An account of this conference was published separately.
336 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1648. of oral debates, partly that a more steady aim
-- — ^-^ might be taken of their mutual arguments, all
things were transacted in scriptis : his majesty con-
sulted with his chaplains when he pleased. The
king's writings were publicly read before all by
Mr. Philip Warwick, and Mr. Vines read the papers
of his fellow divines, the substance whereof we come
here to present.
rfhi.6^ *• His majesty began, the effect of whose first
joty'i fint paper was to prove that the apostles, in their own
persons, by authority d derived from Christ, exer-
cised their power in ordinations, giving rules and
censures.
ii. That Timothy and Titus6, by authority derived
from the apostles, did or might actually exercise the
same power in the three branches specified.
iii. That the angels of the seven churches, Rev.
ii. 3, were so many persona singulares of such as had
a prelacy, as well over pastors as people.
From the premises, his majesty inferred that
our bishops succeed to the function of the persons
afore named. The rather because the same plainly
appeareth out of the history of the primitive
Church, the writings of Ignatius and other ancient
authors. In conclusion his majesty desired to be
satisfied from them ; what were the substantiate of
church government appointed by Christ and His
apostles, and in whose hands they are left, and
whether they bind to a perpetual observation there-
of; or may upon occasion be altered in whole or in
part,
mentdi- 5. The next day the parliament divines put in
«w there- Aeir answer to the king's paper, wherein they con-
"**• <* Job. xx. 2i. e Tit. i. 5.
cent. xvii. of Britain. 337
fessed, that the places of scripture cited by him a. d. 1648.
proved, in those persons by him named, a power — — —
respectively to do the three things specified ; but
they utterly denied that the foresaid persons were
bishops as distinct from presbyters, or exercised the
government in that sense.
i. To the instance of the apostles, they answered,
that they had an extraordinary calling, and so nothing
thence can be inferred to prove modern bishops.
ii. That Timothy and Titus were evangelists, and
the first is expressly so termed f ; nor could they be
bishops, who resided not in one diocess, but often
removed from place to place.
iii. That the denomination of the angels of the
churches being allegorical, no firm argument can be
taken thence, nor weight laid thereon. Besides,
those epistles of St. John, though directed to one,
were intended to the whole body of the church.
They denied that the apostles were to have any
successors in their office, affirming but two standing
officers in the church ; presbyterians and deacons*
They cited Philippians i. 1, 1 Tim* iii. 8, for the
proof thereof; where there is no mention of bishops
as distinct from presbyters, but of the two orders
only, of bishops or presbyters and deacons.
6. As for the succeeding ages to the apostles,
seeing scripture reacheth not unto them, they can
but beget a human faith, which is uncertain and
fallible ; besides, such the darkness of those times
in respect of church history, that little certainty
can be thence extracted, yet it appeareth in Clement
himself, that he useth the same word for bishop and
* 2 Tim. iv. 5.
FULLER, VOL. VI. Z
388 The Church History book xt.
a.d. i648. presbyter ; and as for Ignatius his Epistles, little
U credit is to be given unto them.
7. Lastly, there is a great difference between pri-
mitive episcopacy and the present hierarchy, as much
enlarged in their power and privileges by many tem-
poral accessions, whereof no shadow or pretence in
scripture. In conclusion, they humbly besought his
majesty to look rather to the original of bishops in
holy writ, than to their succession in human history.
8. As to the point of substantiate in church go-
vernment appointed by Christ, wherein his majesty
desired satisfaction, the return was short and general,
that such substantial were in the scripture, not
descending to any particulars. Whether out of
policy, foreseeing it would minister matter of more
debate, or obedience to the parliament, as alien
from the work they were designed for, who were
only to oppose episcopacy as qualified in the bill
presented to his majesty.
The king's g# Three days after the king gave in his answer
rejoinder to J ° °
the pariia- to this first paper of the divines, wherein he acknow-
yines. 1 edged that the word episcopus (denoting an overseer
in the general sense) agreeth as well to presbyters as
ministers, in which respect they are sometimes in
scripture confounded, both meeting in the joint func-
tion of overseeing God's flock. But soon after, com-
mon usage, the best master of words, appropriated
episcopus to the ecclesiastical governor, leaving pres-
byter to signify the ordinary minister, or priest, as in
the ancient fathers and councils doth plainly appear.
10. As to the extraordinary calling of the apostles,
he confessed their unction extraordinary, consisting in
their miraculous gifts, which soon after ceased when
churches were planted, but he urged their mission to
cent. xvn. of Britain. 389
govern and teach, to be ordinary, necessary, and per- a.d. 1648.
petual in the church, the bishops succeeding them in -
the former, the presbyters in latter function.
11. Their evasion that Timothy and Titus were
evangelists, and not bishops, is clearly refuted by
Scultetus, Gerard, and others, yea, (as his majesty is
informed,) is rejected by some rigid presbyters, as
Gillespie, Rutherford, &c. Besides, that Timothy
and Titus were bishops is confirmed by the consen-
tient testimony of antiquity, (St. Hierome himself
recording them made by St. Paul's ordination,) as
also by a catalogue of twenty-seven bishops of Ephe-
sus, lineally succeeding from Timothy, as is avouched
by Dr. Reynolds against Hart.
12. If the angels mentioned in the Revelations
were not singular persons who had a prelacy over
the church, whether were they the whole church, or
so many individual pastors therein, or the whole
college of presbyters, or singular presidents of those
colleges? For into so many opinions these few are
divided amongst themselves, who herein divide them-
selves from the ancient interpretation of the church
government.
13. Concerning ages succeeding the apostles, his
majesty confesseth it but a human faith, which is
begotten on human testimonies, yet so that in
matter of fact it may be infallible, as by the credit
of history we infallibly know that Aristotle was a
Greek philosopher.
14. The objected obscurity of church history in
primitive times is a strong argument for episcopacy,
which, notwithstanding the darkness of those times,
is so clearly extant by their unquestionable catalogues.
15. It is plain out of Clement, elsewhere, even by
z2
840 The Church History book xi.
a.d. 1648. the confession of ones, (not suspected to favour the
!! 1 hierarchy,) that he was accounted a bishop as dis-
tinct from a presbyter. As for Ignatius his Epistles,
though some out of partial disaffection to bishops
have endeavoured to discredit the whole volume of
them, without regard of ingenuity or truth ; yet
sundry of them, attested by antiquity, cannot with
any forehead be denied to be his, giving testimony
of the prelacy of a bishop above a presbyter.
16. As for the difference between primitive epi-
scopacy and present hierarchy, his majesty did not
conceive that the additions granted by the favour of
his royal progenitors for the enlarging of the power
and privileges of bishops, did make the government
substantially to differ from what it was, no more
than arms and ornaments make a body really dif-
ferent from itself, when it was naked and divested
of the same.
17. Whereas they besought his majesty to look
rather to the original than succession of bishops, he
thought it needful to look at both, the latter being the
best clue in such intrinsic cases to find out the former.
18. Lastly, he professed himself unsatisfied in
their answer, concerning the perpetual and unalter-
able substantial of church government, as expecting
from them a more particular resolution therein than
what he had received.
The return 19. Eleven days after the parliament divines put
liament di- in their answer to his majesty's last paper ; herein
king. ethey affirmed, they saw not by what warrant this
writ of partition of the apostles' office was taken
forth : that the governing part should be in the
hands of the bishops; the teaching and sacrament-
8 Vedelius Exerc. 8. in Ignat. cap. 3.
cxnt. xvii. of Britain. 841
izing in the presbyters, scripture making no such a. d. i648.
enclosure or partition wall. Besides, the challenge -
of episcopacy is grown to more than it pretended
to in ancient times; some fathers11 acknowledging
that bishops differed from presbyters only in matter
of ordination.
20. The abettors, say they, of this challenge, that
they might resolve it at last into scripture, ascend by
the scale of succession, going up the river to find
the head, which, like the head of Nile, cannot be
found. Such who would carry it higher endeavour
to impe it into an apostolical office, and at last call
it a divine institution, not by force of any express
precept, but implicit practice of the apostles.
21. They also returned that his majesty's defini-
tion of episcopal government is extracted out of the
bishops of later date than scripture times.
22. Concerning the ages succeeding the apostles.
However episcopal government was generally cur-
rent, yet the superscription thereof was not judged
divine by some of those which were themselves
bishops, or lived under that government.
23. As they firmly believed, as to matter of fact,
that Chry80stom and Augustine were bishops, as
that Aristotle was a philosopher, so they would
rather call such a belief, grounded upon human
testimonies uncontrolled, certain than infallible.
24. The darkness of the history of the church in
the times succeeding the apostles, had an influence
on the catalogue makers, who derived the series
of the succession of bishops, taken much from tra-
dition and reports; and it is a great blemish of
their evidence, that the nearer they come to the
h St. Chrysost. St. Hierom, and of moderns, bishop Bilson.
z 3
342 The Church History book xi.
a. d. 1648. apostles' times, (wherein this should be most clear
— to establish the succession firm at the first,) they are
most doubtful and contradictory one to the other.
25. They granted that a succession of men to
feed and govern those churches, which by ecclesias-
tical writers, in compliance with the language of
their own times, were called bishops, but not distinct
from presbyters ; so that if such a succession from
the primitive times seriatim were proved, they would
either be found more than bishops, as apostles and
extraordinary persons, or less, as merely first presby.
ters, not having the three essentials to episcopal
government insisted on by his majesty.
26. As for Ignatius, he cannot distinctly be known
in Ignatius his Epistles, such their insincerity, adul-
terate mixture, and interpolations; and take him
gross, he is the patron of such rites as the church in
that age never owned.
27. They professed, that in their last answer, they
related not to a school nicety, utrum episcopatus sit
ordo vel grains, the question being stated by popish
authors, to whom they had no eye or reference.
28. They humbly moved his majesty, that the
regiments of human testimonies on both sides might
be discharged the field, and the point of dispute
tried alone by dint of holy scripture.
29. They honoured the pious intentions and mag-
nificence of his royal progenitors, acknowledging the
ornamental accessions to the persons made no sub-
stantial change in the office; but still, it remained
to be proved that primitive episcopacy and present
hierarchy are the same.
30. They affirmed also that the power of episco-
pacy under Christian and pagan princes is one and
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
343
the same, though the exercise be not; but acknow-Ap-1^-
ledging the subordination thereof to the sovereign
power, with their accountableness to the laws of
the land.
81. They conclude with thanks to his majesty's
condescension in vouchsafing them the liberty and
honour in examining his learned reply, praying God
that a pen in the hand of such abilities might ever
be employed in a subject worthy thereof.
32. Some days after, his majesty returned his last
paper, wherein he not only acknowledgeth the great
pains of these divines to inform his judgment accord-
ing to their persuasions, but also took especial notice
of their civilities of the application, both in the be-
ginning and body of their reply.
33. However he told them they mistook his
meaning when they of a writ of partition, as if
his majesty had cantoned out the episcopal govern-
ment, one part to the bishops, another to the pres-
byterians alone ; whereas his meaning was, that the
office of teaching is common to both alike, but the
other of governing peculiar to bishops alone !.
1 [On account of the abrupt
termination of this passage, our
author was thus attacked by
his indefatigable censurer, Dr.
Heylin : " The man who reads
" this passage cannot choose but
" think that his majesty, being
" vanquished by the arguments
" of the presbyterians, had
" given over the cause ; and
" therefore, as convicted in his
" conscience, rendereth them
" thanks for the instruction
which he had received, and
the civilities they used to-
" wards him in the way there*
it
u
" of. But he that looks upon
" his majesty's last paper, will
" find that he had learnedly
" and divinely refelled all their
"arguments; and having so
" done, puts them in *mind of
" three questions which are
" proposed in his former pa-
'• per, acknowledged by thera-
'• selves to be of great import-
" ance in the present contro-
" versy ; without an answer
" whereunto, his majesty de-
" clared that he would put
" an end to that conference.
" * // not being probable,' as he
Z 4
844 The Church History book xi.
a. d. i648. 34. I know not what truth there was in (and by
-consequence what belief is to be given to) their
quantusau- intelligence, who have reported and printed that in
order of a pacification his majesty condescended,
i. That the office of ordination for the space of
three years should not be exercised by the bishops
without the assent of the presbytery, and if this did
not please,
ii. That it should be suspended until twenty of
his own nomination, consulting with the synod, (as-
sembled by the appointment of the houses,) should
determine some certainty touching some ecclesias-
tical government.
iii. That in the meantime the presbytery should
be settled for experiment sake.
iv. That though he would not suffer bishops'
lands to be sold and alienated from the church, yet
he permitted them to be let out for ninety-nine
years, paying a small price yearly in testimony of
their hereditary right for the maintenance of bishops.
v. That after that time expired they should return
to the crown, to be employed for the use of the
church.
Here some presumed to know his majesty's in*
tention; that he determined with himself in the
interim to redeem them by their own revenues, and
«
told them, ' that they should " those questions, his majesty
work much upon his judg- " remained sole master of the
" ment, whilst they are fearful u field, &c." To this Fuller
•• to declare their own, norpos- replies; " The posting press—
" sible to relieve his conscience " — mistaking my copy com-
but by a free declaring of " plete, and not attending my
theirs J But they not able " coming from London that
or not daring, for fear of " morning from Waltham,clapt
" displeasing their great mas- " it up imperfect." Appeal, 6rc,
" tere, to return an answer to p. 48.]
€4
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
845
to refund them to ecclesiastical uses, which is pro- a. d. 1648.
portionable to his large heart k in matters of that !i "
nature.
35. Many now did hope for a happy agreement The king
betwixt the king and parliament, when divine Pro-fromthe
• Tiff
vidence (whose ways are often above reason but ^ht and
never against right) had otherwise ordered it; and^£^j£
seeing it was God's will, it shall be ours to submit
thereunto1. Oh, what can a day bring forth I m
especially some pregnant day in the crisis of matters,
producing more than what many barren years before
beheld. The king's person is seized on and brought
up to London, arraigned before a select committee
for that purpose, indicted, and upon his refusal to
own their authority, finally condemned. But these
k For he gave the duke of
Richmond the entire revenues
of the archbishopric of Glasgow.
in Scotland, to hold them until
he should furnish him with
lands of the same value, ex-
pressing then his resolution to
restore them to the church.
1 [There seems to have been
a hope entertained at this time
by some of the more moderate,
that an amicable arrangement
might have been made between
the king and the parliament.
Mr. Evelyn in this year has
made the following entry in
his diary : " 4 May. Came
" up the Essex petitioners for
" an agreement 'twixt his ma-
" jesty and the rebels. The
•• 1 6th, the Surrey men ad-
" dressed the parliament for
" the same ; of which some of
" them were slain and murder-
" ed by Cromwell's guards in
•• the New Palace Yard." Pro-
bably, their desires would have
been frustrated, had it not been
for the army, at this time quar-
tered at Whitehall. Indeed
so general was the expectation
that the city would be plun-
dered by the soldiers, that a
proclamation was issued " for
" all to stand on their guard."
At the 13th Dec. there is
the following entry in Mr.
Evelyn's diary: "The parlia-
" ment now sat up the whole
" night and endeavoured to
" have concluded the Isle of
" Wight treaty, but were sur-
" prised by the rebel army ; the
" members dispersed, and great
" confusion everywhere in ex-
" pectation of what would be
" next."]
m Prov. xxvii. 1.
846 The Church History book xi.
a
n
. d. 1648. things belong to the historian of the state, and this
4 — - subject in itself is not so amiable and tempting as to
invite us to trespass in the property of others in
courting the prosecution thereof.
3**™**** 86. My cue of entrance is to come in where the
de mihu state writer doth go out, whose pen hath always fol-
lowed the confessors into the chambers of dying
people ; and now must do its last devoir to my
gracious master, in describing his pious death and
solemn burial.
He haareth yjm n Having received in himself the sentence of
the last aer- ° •
mon. death, Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, preached pri-
vately before him, at St. James', on the Sunday
following; his text, Rom. ii. 16, In the day when
God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ,
according to my gospel.
Receives 88. Next Tuesday being the day of his dissolu-
theoominu- .
nion. tion, in the morning, alone, he received the com-
munion from the hands of the said bishop0; at which
time he read for the second lesson the 27th chapter
of St. Matthew, containing the history of the death
and passion of our Saviour. Communion ended, the
king heartily thanked the bishop for selecting so
seasonable and comfortable a portion of scripture,
seeing all human hope and happiness is founded on
the sufferings of our Saviour. The bishop modestly
disavowed any thanks due to himself, it being done
n [For the most complete " of Commons, and attested
and authentic information of " under the hand of Phelps,
the trial of Charles I., see " A " clerk to that infamous court.
" true copy of the Journal of " Taken by J. Nalson, &c.
" the High Court of Justice " 1 684."]
" for the Trial of Charles I., ° [Nalson, p. 112.]
" as it was read in the House
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
847
#
merely by the direction of the Church of England, a. d. 1648.
whose rubric appointeth that chapter the second — '
morning lesson for the thirtieth of January.
39. His hour drawing nigh, he passed thorough ,8P*tl«?t
the Park to Whitehall : as he always was observed fronted.
to walk very fast, so now he abated not any whit of
his wonted pace. In his passage, a sorry fellow
(seemingly some mean citizen) went abreast along
with him, and in an affront often stared his majesty
in the face, which caused him to turn it another way.
The bishop of London, though not easily angered,
was much offended hereat, as done out of despite-
ful design, to discompose him before his death, and
moved the captain of the guard he might be taken
away, which was done accordingly?.
P [The proceedings against
the king to the very last mo-
ment were marked with signal
barbarity. He was fetched
from St. James's to Whitehall
at ten in the morning; when he
arrived at the place of execution
the scaffold was not fully pre-
pared, and he was consequently
compelled to wait in this painful
suspense for two hours. Dur-
ing his trial the brutal Brad,
shaw had interrupted him in
all attempts to justify his con.
duct, and now, at the last mo-
ment, the tyrants artfully con-
trived to prevent his being
heard by posting soldiers at
inch distances as checked the
approach of the spectators, and
frustrated the king's design of
addressing them. The follow-
ing remarks, which are found
in Nalson'8 History of the
Trial, supply some particulars
omitted by Fuller, and are too
interesting to be neglected : —
" About two of the clock," says
that writer, •• his majesty was
" brought from St. James' to
" Whitehall by a regiment of
" foot, with colours flying and
" drums beating, part marching
" before and part behind, with
*' a private guard of partisans
" about him, the bishop on the
" one hand and colonel Tom-
" linson (who had the charge of
" him) on the other, both bare-
" headed ; his majesty walking
" very fast, and bidding them
" go faster, added : ' That he
" now went before them to
" strive for a heavenly crown,
" with less solicitude than he
" had often encouraged his sol-
" diers to fight for an earthly
'• diadem.'
" Being come to the end of
" the Park, he went up the
" stairs leading to the long gal-
" lery in Whitehall, and so in.
348 The Church History book xi.
a. 0.1648. 40. Entering on the floor of death, he asked of
colonel Tomhn8on, who attended there, whether he
His last
question, might have the liberty to dispose of his own body,
as to the place and manner of the burial thereof?
The colonel answered that he could give his majesty
no account at all therein.
and speech 41. His majesty held in his hand a small piece of
printed, paper, some four inches square, containing heads
whereon in his speech he intended to dilate ; and a
tall soldier, looking over the king's shoulders, read it
as the king held it in his hand. As for the speech
which passeth in print for the king's, though taken
in short-hand by one eminent therein, it is done so
defectively it deserveth not to be accounted his
speech, by the testimony of such as heard it. His
speech ended, he gave that small paper to the bishop
of London 1.
well pre. 42. After his death, the officers demanded the
▼en ted.
" to the cabinet chamber, where " side of the street, which hin-
" he used formerly to lodge. " dered the approach of the
" There, finding an unexpect- " very numerous spectators,
" ed delay in being brought " and the king from speaking
" upon the scaffold, which they " what he had premeditated."
"had not as then fitted, he Nalson, Trial, p. 113. The
" passed the time at convenient fatal stroke was given within a
" distances in prayer. About minute of two o'clock in the
" twelve of the clock, his ma- afternoon, Sanderson, 1 138, by
" jesty, refusing to dine, only the executioner, who wore a
" ate a bit of bread and drank vizard.]
" a glass of claret, and about an Q [He spoke very little, di-
u hour after, colonel Hacker, reeling himself chiefly to colonel
" with other officers and sol- Tomlinson ; the rebels having
" diers, brought him, with the taken the precaution of posting
" bishop and colonel Tomlin- numerous companies of horse
" son, through the banqueting and foot on each side of the
" house to the scaffold, to street to prevent the approach
" which the passage was made of the populace. Nalson, ib.
"through a window. Divers p. 113, who has preserved the
" companies of foot and troops king's speech on this occasion.]
" of horse were placed on each
CENT. XVII.
of Britain.
849
paper of the bishop; who, because of the depth ofA.D. 1648.
his pocket, smallness of that paper, and the mixture -
of others therewith, could not so soon produce it as
was required. At last he brought it forth, but
therewith the others were unsatisfied, (jealousy is
quick of growth,) as not the same which his majesty
delivered unto him ; when presently the soldier,
whose rudeness (the bad cause of a good effect) had
formerly over inspected it in the king's hand, attested
this the very same paper, and prevented farther sus-
picions, which might have terminated to the bishop's
trouble r.
43. On the Wednesday sennight after8, his corpse, hu oorpw
embalmed and coffined in lead, was delivered to the Windsor.
care of two of his servants to be buried at Windsor ;
the one Anthony Mildmay, who formerly had been
his sewer, as I take it ; the other, John Joyner, bred
first in his majesty's kitchen, afterwards a parliament
captain, since by them deputed (when the Scots
surrendered his person) cook to his majesty. This
night they brought the corpse to Windsor, and
•«
<•
* [" From the bishop of
London, long time kept pri-
soner," says Sanderson, "they
take away all the king's pa-
" pers, ransack his coffers and
" clothes for scripts and scrolls;
" but Almighty God in his pro-
" vidence hath preserved a vo-
" lame of the king's own apost-
" hume work." Reign of King
Charles, p. 1139.]
» [A 8 soon as the head was
severed from the body, it was
placed in a coffin, and covered
with a black velvet pall. On
its removal to the king's house
at St. James's, a great mul-
titude of people pressed for-
ward to see the king in the
place where he lay, but few
had leave to enter and behold
it. Here his enemies, with a
malice and villany almost un-
paralleled in history, " direct.
" ed their empirics to search
" for such symptoms as might
" disgrace his person or his pos-
" teritv ; but herein thev were
" prevented by an honest in-
" trader, who gave a true ac-
" count of his sound and ex-
" cellent temperament." Nal-
son, ibid. p. 118. Sanderson,
p. 1 138]
850
The Church History
BOOK XI.
a.d. 1648. digged a grave for it in St. George bis chapel, on
A Lithe south side of the communion-table*.
The lords 44. But next day the duke of Richmond", the
follow after ~
it. marquis of Hertfordx, and earls of Southampton*
and Lindsey* (others, though sent to, declining the
service, so far was their fear above their gratitude to
their dead master) came to Windsor and brought
with them two votes passed that morning in parlia-
ment ; wherein the ordering of the king's burial, for
the form and manner thereof, was wholly committed
to the duke of Richmond, provided that the expense
thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds. Coming
into the castle, they shewed their commission to the
governor, colonel Whichcot, desiring to inter the
corpse according to the Common Prayer-Book of
the Church of England ; the rather because the par-
liament's total remitting the manner of the burial to
the duke's discretion implied a permission thereof.
This the governor refused, alleging it was improbable
that the parliament would permit the use of what so
solemnly they had abolished, and therein destroy
their own act.
Thegover- 45. The lords returned, that there was a differ-
lution. ence betwixt destroying their own act, and dispens-
t [Their wish, in the first
instance, was to have buried
the body in king Henry the
Seventh's chapel, in Westmin-
ster Abbey, but this was de-
nied them ; his enemies con-
ceiving that the sympathies of
the people would be too vio-
lently moved by so public a
funeral, and a disturbance be
created, which " was judged
" unsafe and inconvenient."]
u [James Stewart.]
* [William Seymour.]
T [Thomas Wriothealey.]
* [Montague* Bertie. To
these names should be added
that of Juxon, bishop of Lon-
don. Whatever praise, how-
ever, is due to this service, be-
longs to Mr. Herbert and bi-
shop Juxon ; and let them have
it ; these lords came in when
the others were already con-
siderably advanced in their
work.]
ckkt. xvii. of Britain. 861
wg with it, or suspending the exercise thereof. A. D. 1648.
That no power so bindeth up its own hands as to -
disable itself in some cases to recede from the rigour
of their own acts, if they should see just occasion.
All would not prevail, the governor persisting in the
negative, and the lords betook themselves to their
sad employment.
46. They resolved not to inter the corpse in the T^f ,opdi»
with much
grave which was provided for ita, but in a vault, Marching,
if the chapel afforded any. Then fall they a search-
ing, and in vain seek for one in king Henry the
Eighth his chapel, (where the tomb intended for
him by cardinal Wolsey lately stood,) because all
there was solid earth ; besides, this place, at the pre-
sent used for a magazine, was unsuiting with a
solemn sepulture. Then with their feet they tried
the quire, to see if a sound would confess any hol-
lowness therein, and at last (directed by one of the
aged poor knights) did light on a vault in the middle
thereof.
47. It was altogether dark, as made in the midst Thede-
of the quire, and an ordinary man could not stand thereof.
therein without stooping, as not past five foot high.
In the midst thereof lay a large leaden coffin, with
the feet towards the east, and a far less on the
left side thereof. On the other side was room,
neither to spare nor to want, for any other coffin
of a moderate proportion.
48. That one of the order was buried there, One of the
plainly appeared by perfect pieces of purple velvet therein,
(their proper habit) remaining therein; though some
pieces of the same velvet were fox-tawney, and
* [That is, an ordinary grave provided by the governor.]
862 The Church History book %l
a. d. 1648. some coal-black, (all eye of purple being put out
— — therein,) though all originally of the same cloth!
varying the colour, as it met with more or less
moisture as it lay in the ground.
Piwumed 49, Now a concurrence of presumptions concluded
to be king r . TT
Henry the this great coffin to contain the corpse of king Henry
the Eighth, though there was neither arms nor any
inscription to evidence the same.
8eeitinthe j# The place exactly corresponds to the designa-
end of king
Henry his tion of his burial, mentioned in his last will and
I*lgn* testament.
ii. The small coffin in all probability was his
queen's, Jane Seymour's, (by whom in his will he
desired to be buried,) and the room on the other
side seems reserved for his surviving wife, queen
Katherine Parr.
iii. It was never remembered nor recorded that
any subject of that order was interred in the body
of that quire, but in by chapels.
iv. An hearse stood over this vault in the days of
queen Elizabeth, which (because cumbering the pas-
sage) was removed in the reign of king James.
I know a tradition is whispered from mouth to
mouth, that king Henry his body was taken up and
burned in the reign of queen Mary, and could name
the knight (her privy councillor, and then dwelling
not far off) muttered to be employed in this in-
humau action. This prevailed so far on the lord
Herbert's belief, that he closeth his History of King
Henry the Eighth with these suspicious words, " To
" conclude, I wish I could leave him in his grave."
But there is no certainty hereof, and more probable
that here he quietly was reposed. The lead coffin
being very thin was at this time casually broken,
tMBNT. XVII.
of Britain.
858
and some yellow stuff, altogether scentless, Hke ^- DjjiJM.
powder of gold, taken out of it, (conceived some
ezsiccative gums wherewith he was embalmed,)
which the duke caused to be put in again and the
coffin closed upb.
50. The vault thus prepared, a scarf of lead was The leaden
* * inscription
provided some two foot long and five inches broad, onhiscoffin.
therein to make an inscription. The letters the duke
himself did delineate, and then a workman was called
to cut them out with a chisel. It bare some debate
whether the letters should be made in those con-
cavities to be cut out, or in the solid lead betwixt
them. The latter was concluded on, because such
vacuities are subject to be soon filled up with dust
and render the inscription less legible, which was
KING CHARLES, 1648.
The plumber soldered it to the coffin about the
breast of the corpse within the samec.
51. All things thus in readiness, the corpse wasThecorpw
brought to the vault, being borne by the soldiers
of the garrison ; over it a black velvet hearse-cloth,
* [See a very interesting pa-
per by sir Henry Halford, with
the following title : " An Ac-
" count of what Appeared on
" Opening the Coffin of King
" Charles the First, in the
" Vault of King Henry the
" Eighth in St. George's Cha-
M pel at Windsor, on the First
" of April, 1 813." Reprinted
at the end of the second vo-
lume of the Life of James the
Second, edited by Dr. Clarke.]
* [Herbert mentions a very
touching circumstance in his
FULLER, VOL. VI.
affecting narrative : " This is
" memorable," he says, " that
" at such time as the king's
" body was brought out of St.
" George's Hall, the sky was
" serene and clear, but pre-
" sently it began to snow, and
" fell so fast, as by that time
" they came to the west end of
" the royal chapel the black
" velvet pall was all white,
" (the colour of innocency,) be-
" ing thick covered over with
" snow." Memoirs, p. 206.]
A a
864 27*e Church History of Britain. book xi.
a. d. 1648. the four labels whereof the four lords did support:
44 Chas. I. rr
the bishop of London stood weeping by, to tender
that his service which might not be accepted. Then
was it deposited in silence and sorrow in the vacant
place in the vault (the hearse-cloth being cast in
after it) about three of the clock in the afternoon,
and the lords that night (though late) returned to
London.
APPENDIX A.
[As Fuller has passed over the last two years of this king's reign
in a very rapid and cursory manner, it has been thought advisable
to reprint, by way of supplement, the Memoirs of Sir Thomas
Herbert, who attended the king in his bedchamber during that
period, and was a loyal adherent to his royal master in the time
of his greatest troubles.]
SIR THOMAS HERBERT'S
MEMOIRS, &c.
Sir,
BY yours of the 22nd of August last, 1679, I find you
have received my former letters of the first and thir-
teenth of May, 1678. And seeing it is your further desire I
should recollect what I can well remember upon that sad sub-
ject, more at large, I am willing to satisfy you therein, so far
forth as my memory will assist.
Some short notes of occurrences I then took, which, in this
long interval of time, and several removes with my family, are
either lost or mislaid, so as at present I cannot find them ;
* This Memoir took its rise from heard the king express a wish in re-
the following circumstance : — About gard to the bestowing of his body
the year 1677 or 1678, the parlia- after death. Sir Thomas in his answer
ment having voted a large sum of enlarged upon various particulars,
money towards a solemn funeral of then little known, which induced
the late king, sir William Dugdale, sir William Dugdale to request of
who had the superintendence of the him the following short treatise here
ceremonies, as Garter King of Arms, reprinted. See Wood's Ath. ii. 692.
tent to sir Thomas Herbert to in- Sir Thomas died at York in 1682,
quire of him whether he had ever aged 76.
Aa2
356 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a.
which renders this narrative not so methodical, nor so largo,
as otherwise I should, and probably by you may be expected.
Nor would I trouble you with what any other has written,
but, in a summary way, give you some court passages, which
I observed, during the last two years of his late majesty*!
life and reign, being the time of his solitude and sufferings.
Neither will I retrospect to times of hostility, which (as I
imagine) ceased in or about the month of August, 1646 b, nor
speak of the grounds of that unhappy and destructive war,
occasioned either by a contest for the militia in this kingdom,
or from some uproars in Scotland, arising (as pretended) by
our introducing the Book of Common Prayer, in conformity
to the liturgy; which they retaliated by endeavouring to
impose upon us their discipline and forms of a Presbytery.
These, with some other apprehensions, made the first dif-
ference betwixt the king and parliament. But referring you
to the histories which fully mention those things, you may
there observe, that about the middle of April, 1646, the king
being then at Oxford, had certain intelligence that sir Thomai
Fairfax was returned out of the western countries, and upon
the 27th of that month arrived at Newbury with his army, in
order to his besieging the city of Oxford, which accordingly
was, within four days after, invested : so as his majesty thought
fit to leave that important garrison to the care of sir Thomas
Glenham, the governor, a valiant and expert warrior, and in
the night season, disguised and attended only by his servant
Ashburnhamc and Dr. Hudson, hastened to the Leager before
Newark, which at that time was on the one side straitened by
major-general Poyntz, who commanded there the parliament
forces; and on the other by general Levend and the Scots
army, into whose hands his majesty was pleased to intrust
himself, having (it seems) a solemn engagement from them to
defend his royal person with their lives and fortunes ; and not
a little rejoicing was expressed in their camp at his majesty's
reception. For at his command, the 10th of May, the garrison
was forthwith surrendered by the lord Bellasis, the governor;
b Sir Thomas was admitted to his c See Ashburnham's Memoir*
place as groom of the bedchamber p. 57, 80.
m 1647. • That is, Alexander Lesley.
last two Years of Charles the First. 357
the English forces were put into possession of the town
id castle, which was well provided for defence ; and the Scots
mug got the king into their hands, marched with great haste
to the north, till they attained Newcastle, where they rested,
airing that place their head quarters ; which being known
» sir Thomas Glenhara, he entered into a treaty with sir
homas Fairfax about the middle of May, and upon honour-
ble terms Oxford was yielded upon Midsummer-day, which
as the 24th of June following. The governor (at the treaty
reposing that he might have the liberty to know his majesty's
leaaure, whether he should yield up the garrison or not) had
be king's approbation with the lords of his majesty's privy
(rancil, then in Oxford, for his surrender.
Mean time the lords and commons in parliament assembled
n Westminster, disliking that the king should so long and so
ruitlessly continue amongst the Scots within this kingdom ;
he house of commons upon the 17th of April, 1646, published
■ declaration for maintaining a right understanding between
ihe two kingdoms of England and Scotland, asserting thereby,
that in as much as a safe and good peace is the right end of
i just war, it was by them the more passionately desired;
md to that end and purpose they had framed several propo-
rtions to be sent to the king, (some of which were primarily
transmitted from both houses to their brethren of Scotland,
for their consent, that those proposals might in the name of
both kingdoms be tendered to the king.) Which being agreed,
fche lords and commons about the middle of July following,
Bent their desires (entituled " Propositions for a Safe and
Well-grounded Peace to be presented his Majesty,1") by the
Mrls of Pembroke and Suffolk e, members of the house of
peers, with four of the house of commons, namely, sir Walter
Earle, and sir John Hippesly, knights, Robert Goodwin, and
Luke Robinson, esquires; who being come to Newcastle
(which they attained in few days, the summer-season fa-
vouring) the day after their arrival, they presented their
propositions to the king. Who having heard them read, and
deliberated upon them, disapproved of them, in regard they
insisted upon confirmation of the national league and
' Philip Herbert the notorious and selfish poltroon, and James Howard.
a aS
858 Herberts Memoirs of ike [appendix a.
covenant, the abolishing of episcopacy, investing the subject
with the militia, exempting from pardon several lords and
other considerable persons, that, during the war, adhered to
him ; so as his majesty would in no wise give his royal assent.
Nevertheless was graciously pleased to give the commissioners
his hand to kiss, and to dismiss them with a friendly aspect
Who being returned to Westminster, made their report, and
had the thanks of both houses for their pains.
The parliament soon after came to an agreement with the
Scots, to entrust the king with them ; hoping that his drawing
nearer London might conduce to a more speedy composure
of the present unhappy differences between them. And like*
wise, that upon payment of two hundred thousand pounds
(sterling) the Scots army should depart this kingdom, as
upon the 15th of November, 1646, which was by the house of
commons publicly declared. The one moiety of that sum to
be paid at Newcastle, upon their march back into Scotland ;
the other half within twelve months after. Both which were
punctually performed.
Things being thus prepared in order thereto, the parliament
nominated and appointed the earls of Pembroke and Denbighf,
the lord Montague of Boughton, and double their number of
some members of the house of commons ; namely, sir James
Harrington, sir John Holland, sir John Cooke s, baronets, sir
Walter Earle, knight, John Crew, esquire, and major-general
Browne, with some private gentlemen, viz. sir Fulk Grevil,
knight, Mr. James Harrington11, Mr. Thomas Herbert, Mr.
Anthony Mildman, Mr. Ansty, Mr. Babington, Mr.
Muschamp, Mr. Clement Kinnersly, Mr. Beading, with some
others, who accompanied those lords and gentlemen of the
house of commons, to attend his majesty with his other
servants, if he should think fit to approve of them. Mr.
Stephen Marshal and Mr. Joseph Caryl (two ministers of the*
assembly of divines) also went along as chaplains to those
lords and members of the house of commons, commissioners of
parliament.
f Basil Fielding. h Afterwards groom of the bed-
* Notorious for the part which he chamber with Herbert,
took in the king's trial.
last two Years of Chart* the First. 859
The 12th of January, 1646', those noblemen and gentlemen,
(members of both houses,) with the other gentlemen afore-
named, set forth from London, (the lords in their coaches,)
and went the first night to Dunstable, the second to North-
ampton, the third to Leicester, the fourth to Nottingham, the
fifth to Doncaster, the sixth to Wetherby, the seventh to
North-AUerton, the eighth to Durham, the ninth to New-
castle ; in all two hundred miles, which with bad ways and
short days made the travel less pleasant.
The commissioners, after a very short repose, went to the
house where the king then lodged in Newcastle ; and being
conducted to the presence-chamber, his majesty, soon after
his being acquainted with their coming, came into the pre-
sence, and with affability received and gave them his hand to
kiss; and being by the commissioners told the occasion of
their repair thither to attend his majesty, the king seemed
very well pleased therewith, and said they were welcome, for
he knew most of them, none of them were strangers to him,
and no less welcome was their business ; well hoping, that his
drawing nearer his parliament would be a means to remove
jealousies and distrusts, and establish a right understanding
betwixt him and his two houses of parliament.
The king, both by his alacrity and cheerfulness of his coun-
tenance, made it appear to all that were there (and the pre-
sence-chamber was then full thronged) that he was no less
willing to part from the Scots than they with him ; and that
his going south was very satisfactory to him : and after some
mirthful passages with the earl of Pembroke, who (let others
say what they will) loved the king in his heart, and certainly
had never separated from him, had he not (by the procure-
ment of some ill-willers) been committed to the Tower, and
his white staff taken from him, only by reason of a sudden
and unhappy falling out at a committee in the painted-cham-
ber, with his kinsman the lord Mowbray, father to the duke
of Norfolk ; and the lord chamberlain's office conferred upon
the earl of Essex, in which place the earl of Pembroke had
served his majesty many years, with much honour, honesty,
and splendor. The king told him he was glad to see he could
* N. S. 1647.
Aa4
860 Herberts Memoir* of the [appendix a.
ao well in his old age perform 00 long a winterly journey with
the rest of the commissioners who were youthful. He then
advised them to go and refresh themselves, and attend him
the next morning, which the commissioners accordingly ob-
served.
Next morning being come, the commissioners attended his
majesty, and after dinner humbly prayed his majesty to de-
clare his pleasure as to his remove from Newcastle. The
king then told them, he would not go thence till they had
rested themselves some time, as was convenient ; being that
they were to enter upon a further travel. After about four
days longer stay, they repeated their desire, that his majesty
would be pleased to appoint both the time and place he would
remove unto, that orders might be given to make ready ac-
cordingly ; both which he did, so that all things were speedily
prepared by his majesty's old servants for his journey to his
house at Holdenby in Northamptonshire, commonly called
Holmby, a very stately house, built by the lord chancellor
Hatton, as the last and greatest monument of his youth, as
he expressed ; and, in king James's reign, purchased by queen
Anne, for her second son the duke of York, who, by the
death of prince Henry, became prince of Wales, and after-
wards to the present duke, second son to king Charles the
-First, of whom we are now speaking.
And as my memory will serve, give me leave to name the
several places his majesty lodged at between Newcastle and
Holmby, the distance betwixt those two being about eight
score miles.
The first night the king (being attended by his commis-
sioners) came to Durham, the second to Richmond, the third
to Rippon, the fourth to Leeds, the fifth to Rotheram, the
sixth to Nottingham, the seventh to Leicester, the eighth to
Holmby ; at some of which towns he staid some few days.
And it is note- worthy, that through most parts where his
majesty passed, some out of curiosity, but most (it may be
presumed) for love, flocked to behold him, and accompanied
him with acclamations of joy, and with their prayers for
his preservation ; and, that not any of the troopers, who
guarded the king, gave those country-people any check or
last two Tears of Charles the First. 361
disturbance, as the king passed, that could be observed, a
civility his majesty was well pleased with.
Being arrived at Holmby, very many country gentlemen,
gentlewomen, and others of ordinary rank, stood ready there
to welcome the king with joyful countenances and prayers.
The house was prepared with all things requisite by Mr.
Clement Einnersly, his majesty's servant in the wardrobe;
others also performing their duties in their respective offices
and places : so as the court was accommodated with all things
needful, both in reference to the king, and likewise to the
commissioners, their chaplains, gentlemen, attendants, and
others, and all within the king's house, without straitening ;
and all the tables were as well furnished as they used to be
when his majesty was in a peaceful and flourishing state.
• At mealtimes, the commissioners never failed to wait upon
the king with all due observance, and there being none of his
majesty^s chaplains in ordinary to wait, whom by his letter,
dated the sixth of March, he desired, but denied by both
houses, in regard they had not taken the covenant, the two
divines, Mr. Marshall and Mr. Caryl, (who came along with
the commissioners,) were most times present, when his majesty
dined and supped, and willing to crave a blessing, but the
king always said grace himself, standing under the state, his
voice sometimes audible. His majesty, nevertheless, was civil
to those ministers, seeming to have a good esteem of them, in
reference to what he had heard, both as to their learning and
conversation. Nor did he express a dislike towards any of
his servants then attending him, as were free to repair to the
chapel, where those ministers by turns preached forenoon and
afternoon, every Lord's day, before the commissioners, and
others of the household ; albeit, as some of them would say,
they had rather have heard such as the king better approved
of. The king every Sunday sequestered himself to his private
devotion, and all other days in the week spent two or three
hours in reading, and other pious exercises ; at other times,
for recreation, would after meals play a game at chess, and,
for health sake, walk oft in the garden at Holmby with one
or other of the commissioners ; and in regard there was no
bowling-green then well kept at Holmby, the king would
863 Herbert* Memoirs of the [appendix a.
sometimes ride to Harrowden, a house of the lord Vaux's
about nine miles off, where there was a good bowling-green
with gardens, groves, and walks, that afforded much pleasure.
And other whiles to Althorpe, a fair house about two or three
miles from Holmby, belonging to the lord Spencer, now earl
of Sunderland, where also there was a green well kept. The
king in his going to Harrowden passed over a bridge where
major Bosvilek, disguised like a labouring man, stood and gave
his majesty a packet from the queen. The king told the com-
missioners, it was to obtain his leave for the prince to* accom-
pany Monsieur that campaign, in the French army, so as the
disguised person was excused.
In this interim jealousies increased, which begot fears,
against which there is no fence. The commissioners pursuant
to their instructions one time addressed themselves all toge-
ther unto the king, and acquainted him therewith, and humbly
prayed his majesty to dismiss such of his servants as were
there, and had waited upon him at Oxford.
This application of theirs was in no wise well pleasing to
the king (having had long experience of the loyalty and good
affection of those his servants) as appeared by his counte-
nance, and the pause he made ere he gave the commissioners
any answer. Howbeit after some expostulation and deliber-
ation, he condescended to that they proposed, they not op-
posing the continuance of Mr. James Maxwell and Mr.
Patrick Maulo1 their attendance upon his royal person, as
grooms of his majesty's bedchamber, in which place they
had many years faithfully served the king.
Next day his majesty's servants came, as at other times,
into the presence-chamber; where, at dinner-time, they
waited : but after his majesty arose from dinner, and ac-
quainted them with what had passed betwixt him and the
commissioners, they kissed his majesty's hand, and with great
expressions of grief for their dismiss, poured forth their
prayers for his majesty's freedom and preservation, and so
departed. All that afternoon the king withdrew into his
k Probably sir Thomas Bosvile of l Afterwards earl of Penmaure in
Eynsford in Kent Scotland.
last two Years of Charles ike First. 368
bedchamber, having given orders, that none should interrupt
him in his privacy.
Soon after this, his majesty purposing to send a message to
the parliament, after dinner he called the earl of Pembroke to
him, and told him he would have Mr. Herbert come into his
chamber, which the earl acquainting the commissioners with,
Mr. Herbert was brought into the bedchamber by Mr.
Maxwell, and, upon his knee, desired to know his majesty's
pleasure ; who told him, he would send a message to the par-
liament : and having none there that he usually employed, and
unwilling it should go under his own hand, called him in for
that purpose. Mr. Herbert having written as his majesty
did dictate, was by him enjoined secresy, and not to commu-
nicate it to any till made public by both houses™, if by them
held meet ; which he carefully observed.
About a week after, the king was pleased to tell the com-
missioners, that seeing Mr. James Levington, Mr. Henry
Murray, Mr. Ashburnham, and Mr. Legge, were for the pre-
sent dismissed, he had taken notice of Mr. Harrington and
Mr. Thomas Herbert, who had followed the court since his
coming from Newcastle; and being well satisfied with the
report he had concerning them, as to their sobriety and good
education, he was willing to receive them as grooms into his
bedchamber, to wait upon his person with Mr. Maxwell and
Mr. Maule ; which the commissioners approving, they were
that night admitted, and by his majesty instructed as to the
duty and service he expected from them.
They thenceforth attended his royal person, and agreeable
to that great trust, with due observance and loyalty, as be-
came servants ; and by Mr. Maxwell and Mr. Maule were
affectionately treated. Mr. Harrington was a gentleman
well accomplished, had waited upon the prince elector pala-
tine in his chamber, had travelled Germany, Italy, and
France, and spake their languages. Mr. Herbert in like sort
had travelled through most parts of the Greater Asia, as also
several parts of Afric and Europe".
m Wood thinks that this had refer- May 12,1 647. Athen. ii. 69 1 .
ence to " His Majesty's message n And published an account of
for Peace/' dated from Holmby, his travels.
364 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a.
His majesty, during his stay at Holmby, such times as he
did not ride abroad for refreshment, would walk in the long
gravel walk in the garden ; where the earl of Pembroke was
ofttimes with the king, and not without some difficulty held
pace with him, his majesty being quick and lively in his mo-
tion. And other times with others of the commissioners, but
most with major-general Browne, with whom the king was
pleased to discourse often. And whensoever the king thus
recreated himself, he never had above one in company, the
rest keeping at a becoming distance, in some other part of
the privy-garden. For indeed as the commissioners always
expressed a high respect to the king, so the king was very
affable to the commissioners all the time they attended his
majesty.
During his majesty's being at Holmby, the earl of Pem-
broke fell sick by cold he had taken, and for three weeks
kept his chamber, and turning to a fever he kept his bed ;
and was so ill that Mr. Bathurst his physician had for some
days (in regard he was ancient) small hopes of his life. The
lord Herbert, his son, (having notice) hastened to him, ac-
cording to his duty, which was some comfort to the earl ; and
his majesty sent Mr. Herbert every day to inquire of his
condition, and in person was graciously pleased to visit him
twice, which kindness helped (as the doctor said) much to his
recovery.
It is well worth our observation, that in all the time of his
majesty's restraint and solitude he was never sick, nor took
any thing to prevent sickness, or had need of a physician :
which (under Ood) is attributed to his quiet disposition and
unparalleled patience ; to his exercise, when at home walking
in the gallery and privy-garden, and other recreations when
abroad; to his abstemiousness at meat, eating but of few dishes,
(and as he used to say) agreeable to his exercise, drinking
but twice every dinner and supper, once of beer, and once of
wine and water mixed, only after fish a glass of French wine,
the beverage he himself mixed at the cupboard, so he would
have it; he very seldom eat and drank before dinner, nor
between meals.
His majesty being one afternoon at bowls in the green at
last two Years of Charles the First. 865
Althorpe, it was whispered amongst the commissioners, who
were then at bowls with the king, that a party of horse, ob-
scurely headed, was marching towards Holmby ; and for no
good it was presumed, in regard neither the commissioners,
nor colonel Graves, who kept the guard at Holmby and was
an officer in the army, nor the commissioners* servants, had
the least notice of it from any officer or other correspondent
in the army.
Whereupon the king, so soon as he was acquainted with it,
immediately left the green, and returned to Holmby ; where
the commissioners, after consultation with colonel Graves, re-
solved to stand upon their guard, and accordingly they forth-
jvith doubled the guards for defence of his majesty's person ;
and major-general Browne, calling all the soldiers together,
acquainted them with the occasion, who promised to stand by
him, and not to suffer any attempt upon the king's person, or
affront to the commissioners: but the difference is great be-
twixt saying and doing, as soon appeared; for about mid-
night came that party of horse, which in good order drew up
before the house at Holmby, and at all avenues placed guards;
which done, the officer that commanded the party alighted
and demanded entrance. Colonel Graves and major-general
Browne asked him his name and business. He replied his
name was Joyce, a cornet in colonel Whaley's regiment, and
his business was to speak with the king. u From whom f
said they. " From myself/' said he : at which they laughed.
" It is no laughing matter," said Joyce. They then advised
him to draw off his men, and in the morning he should speak
with the commissioners. " I came not hither to be advised
" by you/9 said he, " nor have I any business with the com-
" missioners, my errand is to the king, and speak with him I
" must and will presently." They then bid the soldiers within
stand to their arms, and be ready to fire when ordered. But
during this short treaty betwixt the cornet and the colonel,
the soldiers had conference together, and so soon as they un-
derstood they were fellow-soldiers of one and the same army,
they quickly forgot what they had promised ; for they opened
the gates and doors, shook one another Vy the hand, and bade
them welcome. So little regard had they to their promise,
866 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a.
either in reference to the king's safety, or the commissioners
that attended him.
Entrance being thus given, strict search was made after
the colonel, who (though he was faultless, yet was it suggested
he would have privately conveyed the king to London,) got
happily out of their reach. Gentinels were ordered by Joyce
to be set at the commissioners' chamber-doors, that he might
with less noise carry on his design, and find way to the back-
stairs, where the grooms of his majesty's bedchamber at-
tended. The cornet being come to the door, in rude manner
knocked ; those within asking who it was that in such uncivil
manner and so unseasonable a time came to disquiet the
long's rest . The cornet replied, his name was Joyce, an offi-
cer of the army, sorry he should disquiet the king, but could
not help it, for speak with him he would, and that presently.
This strange confidence of his, and the posture he was in
(having a cocked pistol in his hand) amazed these four gen-
tlemen, Mr. Maxwell, Mr. Maule, Mr. Harrington, and Mr.
Herbert, whose duty it was and care to preserve his majesty's
person, and were resolved to sacrifice their lives rather than
give him admittance; they in the first place asked Joyce if
he had the commissioners' approbation for his intrusion. He
answered, No ; for he had ordered a guard to be set at their
chamber-doors, and that he had his orders from those that
feared them not. He still pressed for entrance, and engaged
his word to do the king no harm : they on the other side per-
suaded him to lay aside his arms, and to forbear giving dis-
turbance, the king being then asleep, assuring him that the
next morning he should have his majesty's answer to his
errand. The cornet refused to part with either sword or
pistol, and yet insisted to have the chamber-door opened.
But these gentlemen keeping firm to their resolution, that he
should not enter, the noise was so loud (which in this contest
could not be avoided) as it seems awakened his majesty, for
he rung his silver bell, at which Mr. Maxwell went into the
bedchamber to know the king's pleasure, the other three
gentlemen meantime securing the door. The king, being ac-
quainted with the business and uncivil carriage of the cornet,
lent word, he would not rise nor speak with him until morn-
lent two Y*ar$ o/CharUs ike Fir$t. 867
ing : which being told the cornet, he huffed ; but seeing his
design oould not be effected in the night, he retired : so as
for a few hours there was silence.
Morning being come, the king arose a little sooner than
ordinary, and, having performed his morning exercise, he sent
for Joyce, who with no less confidence than if he had been a
supreme officer, approached the king, and acquainted him
with the commands he had concerning his removal. The
king desired the commissioners might be sent for, and his
orders communicated to them. The cornet replied, " They
" were to return back unto the parliament.'" " By whose
" appointment P said the king. As to that, the cornet had
no answer. The king then said, " By your favour, sir, let
" them have their liberty, and give me a sight of your instruc-
44 tions." " That/* said Joyce, "you shall see presently ;** and
forthwith drawing up his troop into the inner court, as near
as he oould unto the king. " These, sir," said he, u are my
" instructions." The king took a good view of them, and
finding them proper men and well mounted and armed, smil-
ingly told the cornet, his instructions were in fair characters,
legible without spelling0. The cornet then pressing the king
to go along with him, no prejudice being intended, but rather
satisfaction : the king told him he would not stir, unless the
commissioners went along with him. The cornet replied, for
his part he was indifferent. However the commissioners in
this interim had, by an express, acquainted the parliament
with this violence ; and so soon as they perceived his majesty
was inclinable to go with Joyce, and that it was the king's
pleasure they should follow him they knew not whither, they
immediately made themselves ready. Nevertheless several
questions they asked the cornet, whose answers were insigni-
ficant. The commissioners then seeing reason was of no force
to dissuade, nor menaces to affright, they were willing to at-
tend the king at all adventures.
This audacious attempt exceedingly troubled the commis-
sioners ; and the more, for that they knew not how to help it,
as well appeared by their countenances. And indeed it sad-
dened the hearts of many ; the king was the merriest of the
° According to nr John Berkeley, he had a guard of four hundred horse.
868 Herberts Memoirs of ike [appendix a.
company, having (it seems) a confidence in the army, espe^
cially from some of the greatest there, as was imagined.
The king (then being in his coach) called the earls of Pem-
broke and Denbigh, as also the lord Montague, into it ; the
other commissioners (members of the house of commons)
being well mounted, followed ; leaving Holmby languishing :
for about two years after, that beautiful and famous structure
was, amongst other his majesty's royal houses, pulled down
by order of the two houses of parliament, to satisfy the sol-
diers' arrears : whereby the splendor of the kingdom was not
a little eclipsed, as by their ruins is now sadly manifested P.
His majesty following his guide, the confident cornet, came
that night to Hinchingbrook, heretofore a nunnery, now a
fair mansion-house of colonel Edward Mountague, created
earl of Sandwich, in the twelfth year of the reign of king
Charles II.; which colonel married Jemima daughter to Mr.
Crew, who was created a baron of England the year after.
Here his majesty was treated with honour and hearty wel-
come, as were also the commissioners and the king's servants. '
From Hinchingbrook the king went next night to Childersly,
a house of sir John Cutts, about four miles from Cambridge ;
where, during his majesty's three days stay, many masters,
fellows, graduates, and scholars of that university repaired, to
most of which the king was graciously pleased to give his hand
to kiss, for which honour they returned their humble and gra-
tulatory thanks with a Vivat rex.
Thither also came sir Thomas Fairfax, general of the par*
liament army, lieutenant-general Cromwell, commissary-general
Ireton, serjeant-major-general Skippon, lieutenant-general
Hammond, colonel Lambert, colonel Whalley, colonel Rich,
colonel Dean, and several other field and commission officers
of the army, as also Mr. Hugh Peters, Mr. Dell, Mr. Sedg-
wick, and others ; some of which, so soon as they came into
the presence, kissed his majesty's hand; the general sir
Thomas Fairfax in the first place, whom the king took aside;
P According to Mr. Baker, the parliament, and the palace levelled
Northamptonshire historian, this is to the ground by the purchaser,
not quite correct. The house was who preserved only some few of the
sold with the timber, when the offices,
crown lands were alienated by the
last two Years of Charles the First. 869
and for about half an hour discoursing with him, the general
(unasked) disavowed his majesty's seizure by Joyce at Holmby,
as done without his order or approbation, but probably by
some other powerful officer of the army, seeing that the cornet
was neither at a council of war, nor otherwhere called to
question for it.
His majesty being now in the custody of the army, was highly
caressed by all the great officers, who seldom failed to wait
and discourse with him as opportunity offered. But the king
had most conference with the general, the lieutenant-general,
and commissary-general Ireton, (who indeed had the greatest
influence in the army,) and then behaved themselves with civi-
lity and due respect to his royal person, which made the king
sometimes very pleasant in his discourse with them ; nor were
the private soldiers wanting, in their way, to oblige all that
followed the king with civility.
From Childerley the king removed to his house at New-
market, which was fitted for his reception, as well as that
little edifice would admit, and where for some weeks he con-
tinued ; and thence by messages, repeating to his two houses
of parliament his desires of a further treaty for peace, that
at Uxbridge concluding without any good success.
Whilst the king was there, he would be often upon New-
market heath to recreate himself, sometimes in his coach, but
most part riding. That heath, for good air and pleasure,
gives place to no other in this great island, insomuch that
king James took exceeding delight there in hunting, hawking,
and races, both horse and foot, and much frequented by for-
mer princes.
The army officers, during his majesty's residence at New-
market, were constantly attending. The commissioners like-
wise continued their waiting on the king ; who, in this condi-
tion appeared very cheerful, having, as it was presumed, fair
hopes as well as promises, that some of the grandees of the
army would be instrumental, and, by their undoubted interest
with the two houses and the army, endeavour a happy under-
standing and accommodation between him and his parliament,
being in the mean time sub Dei numine tutus.
It may not be forgotten, that during his majesty's stay at
FULLER, VOL. VI. B b
870 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a.
Newmarket, very many of the gentry and others, men, women,
and children, repaired thither from most parts of Cambridge-
shire, Suffolk, Essex, and other neighbouring counties, to
see the king: so that the presence-chamber was constantly
thronged with people, especially when his majesty was at
dinner or supper, and he seldom or never failed to dine in
public; and when the people saw his majesty withdraw, their
prayers in loud acclamations ever followed him. The king still
observed his usual hours for private devotion ; and being ac-
quainted that ho was in a few days to remove thence to Hampton-
court, he seemed much satisfied therewith, both that he might
draw nearer his two houses of parliament, and for that the
restraint upon him was there to be taken off, and he to have
the exercise of public worship as heretofore, by his chaplains1
attendance ; and likewise that those his servants, who were
dismissed at Holmby, should have liberty to return and wait
in their respective places ; willing nevertheless that the earl
of Pembroke, and the other lords and gentlemen, members of
the house of commons, (their commissioners,) should abide
with him, as also the other gentlemen that had attended his
majesty, after his former servants were discharged by the
commissioners.
The king leaving Newmarket, took not the ready way to
Hampton-court, his progress being according to the motion
of the army ; so that for the most part he lodged at noble-
men's houses, save that at Royston, in his own little house,
seldom used but when he hunted in those large open fields,
where king James took much recreation ; here his majesty
stayed two days, though the house was capable but of few at-
tendants, and meanly furnished ; the town nevertheless, being
large, made amends by that good accommodation it afforded
the commissioners and the general officers of the army, as
also his majesty's followers and servants, which then were
numerous.
Here it was, (if my memory serve right,) that a gentleman,
who was envoy from some German prince, whose dead father
had been a companion to the knights of the most noble order
of the Garter, inado an address to his majesty, with a letter
and return of the George and Garter, which was richly set with
last two Years of Charles the First. 871
diamonds ; and, according to the usual custom, humbly prayed
to have his majesty's directions with whom they should be
deposited. The jewels formerly were sent to the master of
the king's jewel-house, and the robes deposited with the dean
of Windsor. A military officer, being in the room, was so
malapert as to interpose, to the end that he might be privy to
this affair, and hear what the envoy had to communicate to
the king, who by his frown expressed his displeasure for so
great a rudeness towards him, and incivility to the stranger ;
but Mr. Babington, the king^ barber, standing by, and better
understanding good manners, instructed the army officer by
removing him further off; with which the king was well
pleased, and the officer (no less than a colonel) had a sound
reproof soon after from sir Thomas Fairfax, the general.
From Royston the king removed, June 26, to Hatfield in
Hertfordshire, about thirteen miles north of London ; a very
noble house belonging to the lord Cecil, earl of Salisbury,
having a vineyard, gardens and walks full of pleasure, where
his majesty was treated with high civility and observance.
Here the king stayed till the first of July ; then removing to
Windsor, and two days after to Caversham, a fair house of the
lord Craven's, almost opposite to Reading, the river of Thames
interposing ; to which place repaired his highness the prince
elector palatine, with several of the English nobility, as also
sir Thomas Fairfax, and many officers of the army. On the
15th of July the king went to Maidenhead ; and on the 20th
to Woburn, heretofore a religious house for the Cistercians or
White Monks, as we call them ; now a large and fair house
of the lord Russel, earl of Bedford, where his majesty was
honourably and affectionately welcomed, the commissioners
and attendants entertained with high civility, as were also the
army officers ; the earl of Cleveland with some other noble-
men were here, and some late commander of the king's army
attending to kiss his majesty's hand, had the freedom to wait
and discourse, which was novel, as times then stood, and an
omen of future harmony, as well-wishers to unity and peace
conjectured.
From Woburn his majesty removed to Latimers in Bucking-
hamshire, a little but neat mansion-house of the lord Caven-
Bb£
S7£ Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix l.
dish earl of Devonshire, the earl being then there to entertain
the king. His majesty leaving Latimers, it was thought he
would have removed thence to Berkhanipstead, a house once
belonging to the king, now to the Carys ; but being unfur*
nished, and unfitted to lodge at, others imagined he would go
to Ashridge, (not above two miles thence,) where the earl of
Bridgewater hath a very noble house and park : but the head
quarters being then at St. Alban's his majesty declined that
northern progress, and rode by Cheneys and Rickmansworth
to Moore Park, a place of much pleasure, (not above two
miles from Watford,) heretofore a park and house of retire^
nient to that most noble lord William Herbert earl of Pem-
broke, lord steward of his majesty's house, but since pur-
chased by the lord Cary earl of Monmouth, with the curious
gardens, water-works, &c. Where having dined, the king re-
moved that night to Stoke, being about eight miles from
Moore Park, a fair house, built by Henry lord Hastings earl
of Huntingdon and lord president of the north ; but since
purchased by the lord chief justice Coke, whose daughter by
the lady Elizabeth Cecil (the earl of Exeter's daughter and
widow to the lord chancellor Hatton) being married to sir
John Villiers, the duke of Buckingham's brother, it came to
him, who in the year 1619 was created baron of this place
and viscount Purbeck. The fourteenth day of August the
king removed from Stoke to Oatlands, a large and beautiful
house of the queen's upon the river of Thames ; where, upon
the plaistered wall in the stone gallery respecting the gardens,
were very curiously pourtrayed that royal edifice (with Ponte-
fract castle, Havering, Eltham, Nonsuch, and some other
palaces assigned to her majesty) in like manner as you see at
Fontainbleau, of several stately houses of the French kings.
But, alas ! this at Oatlands, with Richmond, Theobalds,
Holmby, and other magnifioent houses in this kingdom, were
unhappily soon after pulled down, to raise money to satisfy
the arrears of some regiments of the army : all which, it is
believed, did not raise half so much as any of those princely
houses cost when they were built ; such are the miserable
effects of civil war. During this progress eleven eminent
members of the house of commons (desirous of peace) were
tost two Years of Charles the First. 378
Accused of treason by the army ; moving, that in the interim
they might be expelled the house, and accordingly were se-
cluded for six months, insomuch that some of them leaving
this kingdom died beyond sea.
About the middle of August the king removed to Hampton-
court, a most large and imperial house, built by that pompous
prelate cardinal Wolsey, in ostentation of his great wealth,
and enlarged by king Henry the Eighth, so as it became a
royal palace ; which, for beauty and grandeur, is exceeded
by no structure in Europe ; unless it be the Escurial in Spain,
which appears so magnificent by having the addition of a fair
monastery, dedicated to St. Lawrence, wherein live a hun-
dred and fifty monks of the order of St. Jerome, and hath
also a college, schools, and outhouses built by king Philip II.
who married our queen Mary.
Hampton-court was then made ready for the court, and by
Mr. Kinnersley, yeoman of the wardrobe, and others, prepared
with what was needful for the court. And a court it now ap-
peared to be : for there was a revival of what lustre it had
formerly, his majesty then having the nobility about him, his
chaplains to perform their duty, the house amply furnished,
and his services in the accustomed form and state ; every one
of his servants permitted to attend in their respective places ;
nothing then appeared of discrimination ; intercourse was
free between king and parliament, and the army seemed to
endeavour a right understanding amongst different parties :
also some treaties passed upon proposals presented his ma-
jesty from the parliament, which gave hopes of an acconimo*
dation : the commissioners also continued their attendance
about the king, and those gentlemen that waited at Holmby,
were, by his majesty's appointment, kept in their offices and
places ; the general likewise, and other military commanders,
were much at court, and had frequent conference with the
king in the park, and other where attending him ; no offence
at any time passed amongst the soldiers of either party; there
was an amnesty by consent, pleasing, as was thought, to all
parties.
His majesty, during these halcyon days, intimated to the
earl of Northumberland that he desired to see his children, who,
Bb3
874 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix, a.
at that time, were under the government of that nobleman*
and then in his house at Sion, which is about seven miles from
Hampton-court, in the way to London. The relator, amongst
other the king's servants, followed his majesty to Sion, which
is denominated from the holy mount, so named, near Jeru-
salem. This was first a monastery for monks, but they being
by king Henry V. removed, in their rooms he placed nuns of
St. Bridget's order; and under the same roof (but separated by
several walls) put so many priests and friars as were in num-
ber equal to Christ with his apostles and disciples. All which
votaries were ejected by king Henry VIII., the church pulled
down, and a fair house raised for a retiring place of the lord
Seymour, duke of Somerset, (as was his other great mansion-
house in the Strand,) but at present belonging to the lord
Piercy, earl of Northumberland. Here the king met the
young duke of Gloucester, and princess Elizabeth, who, so
soon as they saw their royal father, upon their knees they
begged his blessing, who heartily gave it, and was overjoyed
to see them so well in health and so honourably regarded.
The earl welcomed the king with a very noble treat, and
his followers had their tables richly furnished, by his behaviour
expressing extraordinary contentment, to see the king and
his children together after such various chances, and so long
a separation. Night drawing on, his majesty returned to
Hampton-court.
The fairest day is seldom without a cloud ; for at this time
some activo and malevolent persons of the army, disguised
under the specious name of " Agitators," being two selected
out of every regiment, to meet and debate the concerns of the
army, mot frequently at Putney, and places thereabouts; who
of their own accord, without either authority (as some aver)
or countenance of the general, upon fair pretences had fre-
quent consultations; but intermeddling with affairs of state,
were not unlike those that love to fish in troubled waters, and
being men very popular in the army, had thence their impulse
and approbation. What the result of councils amongst them
was, who knows, or by what spirits agitated : yet about this
time the house was rent, and the speaker went unto the army,
which soon after marched through London to the Tower, to
cc
last two Years of Charles the First. 375
which was committed the lord mayor, and other dissenting
citizens, in which confusion the king proposed a treaty, the
Agitators, in opposition, published a book, intituled, "An
Agreement of the People, which concerned his Majesty's Per-
son and Safety." But thence (as was well known) several
things in design were rumoured, which fomented parties, and
created jealousies and fears, and by some artifice insinuated,
and a representation by letter gave his majesty an occasion of
going from Hampton-court in the night, and in disguise with
two grooms of his majesty's bed-chamber, Mr. Ashburnham
and Mr. Legg, as also sir John Berkeley; and about the middle
of November, anno 1647, passed through a private door into the
park, where no centinel was, and at Thames-Ditton crossed
the river, to the amazement of the commissioners, who had
not the least foreknowledge or apprehension of the king's fear
or intentions, and no less to the astonishment of the lords,
and other his majesty's servants, the commissioners especially,
who in this ignorance expressed great trouble of mind, until
the lord Mountague opened a letter his majesty left upon his
table, directed to him, giving a hint of what induced him to
hasten thence in such a manner, being for self-preservation, yet
kindly acknowledging their civility to his person all along, with
his good acceptance of their loyalty and service.
His majesty being thus gone from Hampton-court, the
king's servants went with sad hearts to their several homes,
and the earls of Pembroke and Denbigh, the lord Mountague,
sir John Holland, sir James Harrington, sir John Cooke, with
the rest of the commissioners, having acquainted the parlia-
ment with the king's departure and the letter he was pleased
to leave behind him, they immediately received an invitation
from both houses to return to Westminster, which accord-
ingly they observed, and for their long and faithful service
had thanks from the parliament.
After few days it was known that the king was gone to
Tichfield, a fair house of the earl of Southampton, and that
upon the 13th November, 1647, he had crossed the sea, and
was safe landed at Cowes in the Isle of Wight, where colonel
Hammond the governor was attending, and passing through
Newport (the principal town in that island) the governor,
Bb4
876 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a.
with alacrity and confidence, conducted his majesty to Caris-
brook castle, attended only by sir John Berkeley <), and those
two gentlemen, his servants, lately mentioned. Sure I am,
many that cordially loved the king did very much dislike his
going to this place, it being so remote, and designed neither
for his honour nor safety; as the consequence proved. A
gentlewoman, as his majesty passed through Newport, pre-
sented him with a damask rose which grew in her garden at
that cold season of the year, and prayed for him, which his
majesty heartily thanked her for.
Carisbrook castle is the only place of defence within that
island, albeit, upon the marine, the isle hath many forts, or
block-houses. Its name is derived from Whitgare, a Saxon,
corruptly contracted to Garisbrook. The isle being subdued
at the Conquest by William Fitz Osborne, earl of Hereford,
he built this castle, which in king Henry III. his time was
enlarged by Isabel de Fortibus, sister and heir to Baldwyn,
earl of Devon and Albemarle, who founded there a priory,
dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen, for Benedictines or Black
Monks, as we call them. The castle was new built (or en-
larged rather) by order of king Henry VIII., and by queen
Elizabeth regularly fortified ; so as the outworks are large,
and planted with great ordnance, and has served as a place of
retreat for the islanders against the French and Spaniard,
when the English were in war with them.
Thither (so soon as the king's being there was rumoured)
repaired several of his old servants, and some new, such as his
majesty at that time thought fit to nominate, (for some weeks
there was no prohibition, any that were desirous to see his
majesty might without opposal,) or that, according to the
duty of their place, were to give their attendance. His ma-
jesty had free liberty to ride and recreate himself any where
within the isle, when and where he pleased ; the only want
was, that his chaplains, Dr. Sheldon and Dr. Hammond, were
not long tolerated to perform their office, which was no little
grief to him, in regard he had no disposition to hear those
*i See sir John Berkley's own ac- tive, p. 101. That the king was in-
count of this affair in his Memoirs, veigled into this place is scarcely
p. 163, and Ashburnham's Narra- doubtful. See Ludlow, p. 83.
last two Years of Charles the First. 377
that exercised according to the Directory which was then
practised; but hindered not his private devotion, which every
day he carefully attended, and the Lord's-day he observed by
reading the Bible, and other books fitting him for prayer and
meditation in his oratory.
Howbeit this liberty of refreshing in the isle abroad was of
no long duration ; for about the middle of February, colonel
Hammond, the governor, (soon after the king arose from
dinner,) came into the presence, which was under his majesty's
bedchamber, and in solemn manner addressed himself to the
king ; and after a short preamble, said, he was sorry to ac-
quaint his majesty with the orders he received the night be-
fore from his superiors, and then pausing a while, the king
bid him speak out. The governor replied, his orders were to
forbid Mr. Ashburnham, Mr. Legg, and the rest of his ser-
vants that were with him at Oxford, any further waiting on
his person in that castle and garrison, the jealousies and appre-
hensions of those times judging it inconvenient to continue
such in their attendance about his person.
The king, by his short silence, seemed surprised, and, by
his countenance, appeared to be troubled. Such as were at
that time in the presence noted it ; but not knowing the oc-
casion of his majesty's sadness, they seemed full of grief, as
by their dejected looks was visible. But the king beckoning
with his hand to Mr. Ashburnham and some others, he told
them what the governor had communicated, and what he ex-
pected not, nor was agreeable to what some considerable per-
sons had promised. But no remedy but patience, which in
these straits he commonly had recourse unto, and is the noble
way of overcoming.
His majesty's servants were much perplexed, and to expos-
tulate with colonel Hammond, knew it would be to no pur-
pose; the only comfort remaining was, that they were not
excluded their royal master's affection, which supported them.
Next day, after the king had dined, those gentlemen came
all together, and prostrating themselves at his majesty's
feet, prayed God for his preservation, and kissing his hand,
departed.
This done, the day following a restraint began of the king's
878 Herberfs Memoirs of the [appendix a.
going any more abroad into the Isle of Wight, his majesty
being then confined to Carisbrook castle and line without,
albeit within the works, a place sufficiently large and conve-
nient for the king's walking and having good air, and a de-
lightful prospect both to the sea and land: and for his
majesty's solace and recreation, the governor converted the
barbacan (a spacious parading ground within the line,
though without the castle) into a bowling-green, scarce to be
equalled, and at one side built a pretty summer-house for
retirement. At vacant hours these afforded the king most
recreation, for the building within the castle walls had no
gallery, nor rooms of state, nor garden, so as his majesty,
constantly in the forenoons, exercised himself in the walks
without, and in the afternoons there also, and in the bowling-
green or barbacan. Nevertheless both times he carefully ob-
served his usual times set apart for his devotion and for writ-
ing. Mr. Harrington and Mr. Herbert continued waiting on
his majesty in the bedchamber: he gave Mr. Herbert the
charge of his books, of which the king had a catalogue, and
from time to time had brought unto him such as he was
pleased to call for. The sacred Scripture was the book he
most delighted in, read often in Bishop Andrews' Sermons,
Hooker's Ecclesiastical Policy, Dr. Hammond's Works, Vil-
lalpandus upon Ezekiel, &c, Sandys's Paraphrase upon King
David's Psalms, Herbert's Divine Poems; and also Godfrey
of Bulloigne, writ in Italian by Torquato Tasso, and done into
English heroic verse by Mr. Fairfax, a poem his majesty
much commended, as he did also Ariosto, by sir John Har-
rington, a facetious poet, much esteemod of by prince Henry
his master, Spencer's Fairy Queen, and the like, for alleviat-
ing his spirits after serious studies. And at this time it was
(as is presumed) ho composed his book called " Suspiria
" Regalia" published soon after his death, and entitled " The
" King's Pouriraiture, in his Solitudes and Sufferings" which
manuscript Mr. Herbert found amongst those books his ma-
jesty was pleased to give him, (those excepted which he be-
queathed to his children, hereafter mentioned,) in regard Mr.
Herbert, though he did not see the king write that book, his
majesty being always private when he writ, and those his ser-
last two Years of Charles the First. 379
vants never coming into the bedchamber, when the king was
private, until he called; yet comparing it with his hand-
writing in other things, found it so very like, as induces his
belief that it was his own handwriting, having seen much of
the king's writing before ; and to instance particulars in that
his majesty's translation of Dr. Saunderson the late bishop of
Lincoln's book " De Juramentis" or like title, concerning
oaths, all of it translated into English, and writ with his own
hand ; and which, in his bedchamber, he was pleased to shew
his servants, Mr. Harrington and Mr. Herbert, and com-
manding them to examine it with the original, they found it
accurately translated ; which his majesty not long after shewed
the bishop of London Dr. Juxon, and also Dr. Hammond,
and Dr. Sheldon, his majesty's chaplains in ordinary, (which
first and last were afterwards archbishops of Canterbury,) such
time as they waited upon him at Newport in the Isle of Wight
during the treaty. In many of his books, he delighted him-
self with the motto, u Dum spiro spero ;" which he wrote
frequently as the emblem of his hopes as well as endeavours
for a happy agreement with his parliament. A harmony and
good accommodation he heartily desired, and a fair end to all
matters that made this unhappy separation : mean time alle-
viating his mind by an honourable and cheerful submission to
the Almighty, who in his wisdom orders and disposes all
things according to his good pleasure, and who, in all his
trials during his disconsolate condition, marvellously supported
him with an unparalleled patience. In one of his books he
writ this distich : —
" Rebus in adversis facile est contemnere vitam :
Fortiter ille facit qui miser esse potest."
And out of another poet, against the levelling and anti-
monarchic spirits which predominated at that time: —
" Fallitur egregio quisquis sub principe credit
Servitium ; nunquam libertas gratior extat,
Quam sub rege pio, ." Claudian.
with many others which are memorable, and express his de-
light in learning. For he understood authors in the originals,
whether Greek, Latin, French, Spanish, or Italian, which
380 Herbert' 8 Memoirs of the [appendix a.
three last he spoke perfectly ; and none better read in histo-
ries of all sorts, which rendered him accomplished, and also
would discourse well in arts and sciences, and indeed not un-
fitted for any subject.
Notwithstanding this restraint, which the governor was
strict in, (probably in pursuance of his instructions,) neverthe-
less several diseased persons, troubled with the evil, resorted
thither from remote parts to be touched; and, after some
stay in Newport or other villages about, made means to get
within the line, and when the king went out of the castle to-
wards his usual walk about the barbacan, they had their
wished opportunity to present themselves afore him, and he
touched them.
About this time one Mr. Sedgwick (sometime preacher in
the parliament army) came to Carisbrook castle, and desired
colonel Hammond the governor's leave to address himself to
the king. Mr. Harrington being acquainted with the occa-
sion, told his majesty, that a minister was purposely come
from London to discourse with him about his spiritual con-
cerns, and was desirous to present his majesty with a book he
had lately writ for his majesty's perusal, which (as the gentle-
man said) if his majesty would please to read, he supposed
might be of much advantage to him, and comfort in that his
uncomfortable condition. The king thereupon came forth,
and Mr. Sedgwick, in decent manner, gave his majesty the
book, the title whereof was, " Leaves of the Tree of Life?
being an explication of the second verse of the twenty-second
chapter of the Revelation of St. John. His majesty, after he
read some part thereof, returned it with this short admonition
and judgment, that, by what he had read in that book, he be-
lieved the composer stood in some need of sleep. The king's
advice being taken in the best sense, the minister departed
with seeming satisfaction.
Next day one Mr. Harrington, a gentleman of a fair estate
near Bath in Somersetshire, (son to sir John Harrington
afore -mentioned,) came in like sort to Carisbrook castle, upon
the same charitable account. But his majesty, having heard
something concerning him, thanked him likewise for his good
intentions, having no mind to enter into discourse with him
last two Years of Charles the First. 881
upon controversial points ; so as that gentleman also returned
next homewards, having first wished the king much happiness.
His majesty having thought fit to send a gracious message
to his two houses of parliament, in the evening he gave it,
sealed up, (and directed to the speaker of the house of lords
pro tempore ,) to his servant Mr. Herbert, with a letter to his
daughter the princess Elizabeth, who was then at St. James's
bouse near Whitehall with her governess. The wind was not
favourable, so as Mr. Herbert had much ado to cross the sea
from Cowes to Southampton ; but in regard the king had or-
dered to make haste, so as the letter might be delivered next
day before the house rose, no delay was suffered. Being
landed he immediately took post for London. It may not be
forgotten, that at one stage, the post-master, (a malevolent
person,) having notice that the packet cante from the king,
and required extraordinary speed; mounted Mr. Herbert
upon a horse that had neither good eyes nor feet, so as he
usually stumbled very much, which, with the deep ways
(being winter) and dark night, in all probability might have
abated his speed, but (through God's goodness) the horse
(though at his full gallop most part of that twelve miles
riding) neither stumbled nor fell, which at the next stage was
admired. The king's packet was delivered to the lord Grey
of Warwick r, (at that time speaker to the lords' house,)
within the time limited; which done, he waited upon the
princess Elizabeth, then at St. James's, who gave him her
hand to kiss, being overjoyed with her royal father's kind
letter ; to which she returned another by Mr. Herbert, who
had the king's approbation at his coming to Garisbrook for
bis diligence.
It was upon the 15th of April, the princess Henrietta (wife
to the duke of Orleans afterwards) left Exeter (the place of
her birth) and took ship for France to the queen; and upon
the 15th of April, two years after that, the duke of York
escaped from St. James's, and went to the prince, then in
Holland.
Whilst these things were acting, the Scots, to regain their
credit for delivering the king into the hands of the English,
r One of the judges. He signed the warrant.
982 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a.
(contrary to their promise when he left Oxford, and intrusted
himself with them, when they besieged Newark, as formerly
hinted) upon a pretence to reinthrone the king. In or about
May 1648, a Committee of Danger (as they termed it) was
by an assembly of the States, in order thereto, constituted at
Edinburgh, consisting of eight earls, eight barons, and eight
burgesses, who being assembled, voted the raising an army of
forty thousand men, to be commanded by duke Hamilton,
with whom sir Marmaduke Langdale, and some other colonels,
gave the duke an assurance to assist with three thousand
horse and foot. All expedition was used to raise this army,
that they might make their invasion with least opposition ;
having notice also from London and other parts, that upon
the votes of making no further address, or receiving any mes-
sage from the king, and that a closer restraint was by colonel
Hammond thereupon put upon his majesty at Carisbrook
castle, great discontents and murmurs arose amongst the
people, in sundry parts of the nation, that broke out into in-
surrections ; which, and with the intelligence duke Hamilton
had, that sir Thomas Fairfax was engaged by the king's party
in Kent, Surrey, and other counties about London, and that
lieutenant-general Cromwell at the same time was busied
about the reducement of Pembroke castle, and other fortified
places in the remotest parts of South Wales, animated the
Scots the more to quicken their march into England, notwith-
standing the number of their forces were with such difficulty
raised, as they lost their opportunity, as being unable to raise
above one-third of the number they intended ; nor did they
enter England until the 13th of July 1648.
A little before this the Londoners, in great multitudes,
petitioned both houses of parliament that the secluded mem-
bers might be recalled, and those other released who were
then under restraint, and be permitted to sit as formerly;
part of their request was granted, upon their willingness to
let major-general Skippon command the city militia ; which
being granted, several regiments were quartered in London,
as also in Somerset house in the Strand, the Mews, and
Whitehall, the rest of the army having quarters assigned
more remote from London. The Essex and Surrey men like-
last two Years of Charles the First. 888
wise petitioned the two houses that the army might be satis-
fied their arrears, and then disbanded, and that the late vote
for making no further address to the king might be nulled,
and that they would comply with his majesty's proposal for a
personal treaty.
That word, " disbanding,"1 sounded harshly in the soldiers'
ears, insomuch as some of them affronted the petitioners, so
that from words they fell to blows, which was taken in ill part
by many ; but especially by such of their Kentish neighbours
as inclined to the regal party, who, resenting the bad usage
the Surrey petitioners had received, made that and the king's
restraint the pretence of their sudden rising in arms, insomuch
as upwards of ten thousand men, headed by Mr. Hales, and
some other persons of note living there, publicly declared for
king and parliament.
This was soon known to that part of sir Thomas Fairfax's
army that quartered thereabout; for colonel Rich, with his
horse regiment, and colonel Hewson with his of foot, fell upon
a party near Gravesend, so as in disorder they made towards
Maidstone, which place they fortified as well as few hands and
little time gave leave, though to small purpose, those regi-
ments marching after them with speed ; nevertheless the dis-
pute was very sharp, the Kentish men stood so well to their
arms, and made such opposition, so that the fight was for
some hours maintained with great resolution on both sides,
and many were killed in the conflict ; howbeit, in conclusion,
the parliament soldiers had the better of the day, and took
many prisoners, the rest that escaped marched towards the
Thames, and with others rendezvoused upon Blackheath,
where several officers and soldiers that had served in the
king's army repaired to them, which so increased their num-
ber, as induced the lord Goring earl of Norwich to command
that little army, who having intelligence that sir Thomas
Fairfax was with several regiments of horse and foot advanc-
ing against him, he thought fit to decline the engagement till
he had a reinforcement, and in order thereto he crossed the
Thames near Greenwich into Essex, where sir Charles Lucas
joined him with two thousand horse and foot ; amongst which
884 Herberts Memoirs of ike [appendix a.
were many principal commanders, namely, the lord Capell, the
lord Loughborough, and other officers of note; and being
near four thousand men, they marched to Colchester, where
expecting a siege in short space, with the help of many hands,
they regularly fortified it.
Sir Thomas Fairfax had quick intelligence of their proceed-
ings, so as he ordered colonel Hewson and colonel Rich with
their regiments to quiet the Kentish commotion, and with the
rest of the army he drew towards Colchester, which he closely
besieged, about the middle of June 1648.
At this time was lieutenant-general Cromwell hurried about
the reducement of the strong castle of Pembroke (the utmost
part of South Wales,) which was defended by major-general
Langhorn, colonel Powell, and colonel Poyer, men of signal
courage and interest in those parts.
The Scots also, under duke Hamilton's command, about
this time (which was the first week in July 1648) entered
this kingdom near to Carlisle, (sir Philip Musgrave governor,)
sir Marmaduke Langdale, with his brigade, joining with them.
Much about this time also a great part of the navy, by
procurement of vice-admiral Batten (in whose place the two
houses of parliament had put colonel Ranesborough) de-
clared for the king, and put themselves under the command
of the prince of Wales, the duke of York going abroad, hav-
ing in a disguise left St. James's, and the earl of Northum-
berland, his governor, and with one servant escaped, and got
into Holland, (there being also aboard prince Rupert, and
sundry other noblemen and gentlemen of quality, with two
thousand soldiers, who being under sail quickly,) the wind fa-
vouring, landed at Yarmouth, in expectation of increasing
their numbers in Norfolk, and the neighbouring counties, who
had, during the late war, appeared for the king; but failing
to come to his assistance, and hearing that colonel Scroop
was with a considerable force upon a speedy march thither-
ward, the prince by advice of a council of war was persuaded
to ship his men, and to direct his course toward Sandwich or
Deal in Kent, to countenance those that had declared for the
king: but his coming was too late, the parliament forces there
last two Tears of Charles the First. 385
having wonted the king's party. So as the prince finding the
opportunity lost, and his fleet in want of provisions, weighing
anchor, he returned into the Netherlands.
Nevertheless, about the beginning of July, the earl of Hol-
land, seconded by the duke of Buckingham, the lord Francis
Villiers, his brother, the earl of Peterborough8, and several
others of note, made a second attempt in Kent, upon his ma-
jesty's behalf, appearing with a considerable party of horse
and foot, and marching in good order into Surrey, drew up
near Kingston upon Thames, in hopes that several officers and
private soldiers, who had served the king, would have come
into their rendezvous ; but few appearing to reinforce them,
they marched towards Reygate, about a dozen miles from
Kingston, which ere they could reach, they were engaged by
colonel Rich his regiment of horse, and after a sharp skirmish
forced to retreat back towards Kingston, and endeavouring
to make good a pass between Ewell and Nonsuch-park, the
fight was on either side maintained with extraordinary fierce-
ness and valour, in which there were many gentlemen slain on
both sides, amongst which was the lord Francis Villiers, who
that day expressed much courage, and, as report goes, was
offered but refused quarter1.
The king's party being thus overcome, such as were not
prisoners of war, (of which were several of the better sort,) the
rest shifted for themselves the best they could. Nevertheless,
the earl of Holland with a small party got to Kingston upon
Thames, which place, though favouring the king's friends, and
so near neighbouring Hampton-court, durst not in that con-
dition warrant the earl's stay, the parliament forces being in
pursuit ; so as leaving that place, he hastened towards Hunt-
ingdon, thinking to find security there, at least for some time;
but by the way, colonel Scroop interposing with two regiments
of horse and foot from Norfolk, the earl after some resistance
near St. Neotfs, seven miles from Huntingdon, was taken pri-
soner, and thence, under a guard of horse, sent to Warwick
castle, where he remained till he was brought to London.
The duke of Buckingham, in this interim, passed through the
• Henry Mordaunt. t So Ludlow, p. 99.
FULLER, VOL. VJ. C C
886 Herbert's Memoirs of the [appendix a.
county of Lincoln, to the sea-coast, where happily finding a
small vessel, he adventured the sea, and having a favourable
gale of wind, in few hours arrived safely in Holland, where
he found the prince.
Whilst these things were in agitation, duke Hamilton, upon
the 13th of July (as hath been hinted) invaded England with
his Scots, who were far short of the number the Committee of
Danger voted at Edinburgh, as formerly mentioned ; but was
supplied by the splendor of his own equipage, his army (as
some report) was not fifteen thousand horse and foot ; yet by
that addition from sir Marmaduke Langdale, and which sir
Philip Musgrave and other English officers brought, he was
twenty thousand men, or thereabouts. The Scots army
marched as far as Appleby, in Westmoreland, without oppo-
sition, where major-general Lambert was quartered; near
which, after a short dispute, the Scots made the English party
to retire, first to Kirkby Steven, and then to Bowes, so as the
Scots (to refresh themselves) stayed a few days in Kendal,
expecting more force out of Scotland ; which failed them.
Nevertheless, with the army he had, and animated with
his late success, he marched into Lancashire, thinking there
to be reinforced by many, that during the late war had ap-
peared opposite to the parliament forces ; but the report of
lieutenant-general Cromweirs approach disanimated several
persons of note in those parts ; so that duke^Hamilton failed
much of his expectations. The sequestration of men's estates
was so great a terror to many. Nor did major-general Monro,
with his forces, follow the duke, as was intended ; he and the
marquis of Montrosse having enough to do at home by op-
posing the marquis of Argyle, who, with general Lesly, were
against duke Hamilton's invading England.
Nor was the rumour of lieutenant-general Cromwell's march
towards the Scots false. For so soon as he had intelligence
of the duke's coming to Perth, he quickly dispatched his
leaguer at Pembroke, which was surrendered ; and, as with a
flying army, made all haste possible to join with major-general
Lambert and colonel Harrison to fight the Scots u. The duke
u See Ludlow, p. ioo.
last two Years of Charles the First. 887
therefore thought it his best course to adventure a speedy en-
gagement : in order whereto he marched to Preston in Lan-
cashire, and upon the 17th day of August (having notice by
his scouts that the parliament forces observed his motion
and were drawing up towards him) he drew up in battalia,
upon a moor about three miles from Preston, where both ar-
mies faced each other ; major Smithson commanded the for-
lorn, and worsted a part of the van of the Scots army, so as
the armies immediately engaged.
For two hours space the fight was equally maintained, and
fought with marvellous fierceness and desperate courage, so
as many were slain ; but at length the Scots gave ground, and
the greatest part of their army marched back towards Lancas-
ter, the lesser part towards Preston. The parliament forces
marched close after the Scots, who at Ribble-bridge (which is
not far from Haughton-tower) made a stand, as resolving to
make good that passage, which accordingly they for some
hours maintained with great courage, but being overpowered
by the English cavalry, who pressed upon the Scots with great
resolution, and gained the pass, the duke (contrary to com-
mon sense) declined his retreat northwards towards Lancaster,
whither the other part of his army was gone, and marched
southwards to Wigan, (a small distance from Lathom, the earl
of Derby's noble house,) and the next day to Warrington,
watered by the river Mersey, over which there is a bridge,
and where the Scots disputed that pass with signal courage.
But the duke's army being much weakened through want of
that part which went to Lancaster, and interposed by some
regiments of the English army, and lieutenant-general Crom-
well being some time before come up to reinforce major-
general Lambert and colonel Harrison with a numerous
party, finding his army much discouraged, and much inferior in
strength to his adversaries, in despair, he left the foot to shift
for themselves ; who being thus deserted, about four thousand
of them threw down their arms, having quarter ; the duke,
with three thousand horse, escaping to Nantwich in Cheshire;
where, and by their disordered march, the greatest part were
snapped by the country people and some soldiers that followed
the chase. Duke Hamilton, hastening into Staffordshire, at
cc2
388 Herbert* Memoirs of the [appendix a.
Uttoxeter yielded himself prisoner to the lord Grey of Grohy,
who with a convoy sent him to Ashby-de-la-Zouch, (of which
the earl of Huntingdon is lord,) and shortly, with many other
of the Scots, prisoners to London.
The Scots army being thus overcome, lieutenant-general
Cromwell with his forces advanced into Scotland without op-
position, hearing that Monro was with eight thousand horse
and foot ready to follow duke Hamilton's army ; but having
notice of his defeat, he thought good to hearken to the earl
of Argyle's advice, which was to forbear his march, insomuch
as lieutenant-general Cromwell entered Scotland with his
forces unopposed, and at Edinburgh was amicably received,
and treated with all demonstrations of affection. Such are
the strange effects and vicissitudes of war.
All this time Colchester held out, though straitly besieged by
sir Thomas Fairfax with his army, where much gallantry and
valour appeared on both sides*. Yet at length the besieged,
being in want of powder and other provisions, and having cer-
tain intelligence of duke Hamilton's overthrow, as also hope-
less of help from abroad, or a supply of what the town and
garrison extremely wanted, and how unsuccessful the king's
parties had been in several places, having called a council of
war, it was resolved that commissioners should be named to
treat with sir Thomas Fairfax upon certain articles ; which
being agreed, Colchester was delivered up to the parliament's
general the 27th day of August 1648; sir Thomas Fairfax
forthwith removing to St. Alban's, which for some time he
made his head quarter.
These military proceedings happening during his majesty's
confinement at Carisbrook castle, I thought pertinent to in-
termix with other occurrences, which otherwise should have
been omitted.
Now in regard it hath been suggested by some, that the
king was not ignorant of duke Hamilton's preparations, and
intentions by force of arms to set his majesty at liberty and
settle him in his throne ; and that the king, by a letter from
the queen, was acquainted therewith ; which letter was inter-
z See a detailed account of the siege in " Mercurius Rustic us."
last two years of Charles the First. 889
cepted, the seal violated, and the letter read by some great
officers of the army, members of the commons house ; who,
during his majesty's being with the array (after his remove
from Holmby), had upon valuable considerations of wealth
and honour, undertaken, by their interest in both places, to
restore the king, upon condition that he would wholly confide
in them, without having recourse to other means ; which his
majesty consenting to, they carried on their design until they
met with the queen's letter, which startled them ; so as clos-
ing it very artificially, and conveying it into the king's hands,
he could not perceive the letter had been intercepted or the
seal broken, whereby the intelligence the queen gave might be
known to any but himself; upon their discourse soon after
with the king, asking him if he knew, that duke Hamilton
was with a powerful army of Scots preparing to do that by
force, which they had undertaken to effect by their interest
with both houses of parliament and army, in no wise doubting
to compass it for his happy restoration; the king not ac-
quainting them with the contents of her majesty's letter con-
cerning the duke's invasion, they were thenceforth distrustful
of him, which totally altered their former resolution in order
to his reestablishment and freedom :
This, as I said before, hath been suggested ; but assuredly
little credit is given to this report, especially by unbiassed
persons.
For albeit some great commanders in the army, by the
influence they had also in both houses, might probably upon
a right prospect of peace and expectation of preferment, (a
powerful magnet,) confirm the king in his belief, (credulity
being rather a fault than an offence, seeing it hurts none but
itself,) that they both could and would use their best endea-
vours to accommodate him by a speedy composure of all those
differences that secluded him from exercising his regal power,
(the thing aimed at, and by sober persons cordially desired ;)
yet it is not to be presumed that his majesty would dissemble
or falsify his word and promise to depend upon them ; the busi-
ness being so much to his satisfaction. And it may be sup-
posed, that his majesty might at Hampton-court (where it is
cc3
390 Herberts Memoirs of the [appendix a.
pretended the letter was intercepted) have the opportunity to
acquaint the queen with the fair hopes and intentions of the
army, to incline the two houses to agree the differences, and
remove the jealousies that occasioned this late war, and re-
store peace to a distracted kingdom, (which it is probable her
majesty would be glad to hear, and acquiesce in the king's
prudence;) so as it is unlikely the queen would hazard his
restoration any other way; especially by the Scots, who, if suc-
cess should smile upon them in that attempt, would in all pro-
bability have insisted upon his majesty's taking and confirming
the league and covenant, which the king was averse to.
Nor had his majesty confidence in duke Hamilton, as
appeared by that his presage, that if the duke would in a
hostile way enter this kingdom, he was a lost person ; and if
such a thing should happen, he charged all such as had been
of his party in the war to forbear joining with the Scots.
Nor can it rationally be granted, that the queen could, at the
king's residence at Hampton-court, have such quick intelli-
gence of duke Hamilton's design ; the time of this intercepted
letter being near eleven months before the Committee of
Danger was formed, which was previous to the duke's pre-
parations, or any thing in order to it.
Moreover, granting there was such a letter, yet that it should
be intercepted seems strange, being presumed it would be sent
by a trusty person ; and the court at that time being without
any restraint, (none forbidden access unto the king ;) also no
less incredible, that her majesty's seal being broken could be
so artificially closed, as the king (who was accurate in observing
seals and curiosities of all sorts) should not discern the fraud.
And as to the discontent those army-officers expressed by ab-
senting themselves from court ; this relater observed no such
thing, but that, (as at other times,) they frequented it; so as
until the king in disguise went thence, the military men did
not withdraw, nor till the commissioners departed ; as did all
the king's servants; who, as men amazed, stood for some time
gazing one upon another. For being then without a master,
the diet ceased, and with sad hearts they went thence to their
several homes. So that upon the whole matter it may be be-
last two Years of Charles the First. 891
lieved that the report concerning the letter of intelligence from
the queen is fictitious ; only designed to asperse the king and
to blemish his integrity; which (as ho himself hath declared)
he highly prized. And indeed a saying of his is worthy to be
writ in letters of gold: " That he could more willingly lose his
" crowns than his credit ; his kingdoms being less valuable to
44 him than his honour and reputation."
44 Faith, assuredly, is the foundation upon which justice
44 and truth are built," saith Cicero the orator and great
statesman, who (albeit the Romans of all men got most by war)
hath thi